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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #1400 on: November 22, 2013, 07:39:53 AM »

second post

"The time to guard against corruption and tyranny, is before they shall have gotten hold on us. It is better to keep the wolf out of the fold, than to trust to drawing his teeth and talons after he shall have entered." --Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, Query 13, 1781
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« Reply #1401 on: November 25, 2013, 09:19:53 AM »

"To take from one because it is thought that his own industry and that of his father's has acquired too much, in order to spare to others, who, or whose fathers have not exercised equal industry and skill, is to violate arbitrarily the first principle of association, the guarantee to every one of a free exercise of his industry and the fruits acquired by it." --Thomas Jefferson, letter to Joseph Milligan, 1816
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« Reply #1402 on: November 25, 2013, 09:49:26 AM »

"To take from one because it is thought that his own industry and that of his father's has acquired too much, in order to spare to others, who, or whose fathers have not exercised equal industry and skill, is to violate arbitrarily the first principle of association, the guarantee to every one of a free exercise of his industry and the fruits acquired by it." --Thomas Jefferson, letter to Joseph Milligan, 1816

Profound!  I would like to save and remember that.
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #1403 on: November 26, 2013, 11:27:26 AM »

"
  • nly a virtuous people are capable of freedom. As nations become corrupt and vicious, they have more need of masters." --Benjamin Franklin, 1787
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« Reply #1404 on: November 27, 2013, 12:28:24 PM »

"How prone all human institutions have been to decay; how subject the best-formed and most wisely organized governments have been to lose their check and totally dissolve; how difficult it has been for mankind, in all ages and countries, to preserve their dearest rights and best privileges, impelled as it were by an irresistible fate of despotism." --James Monroe, speech in the Virginia Ratifying Convention, 1788
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #1405 on: November 28, 2013, 12:35:09 PM »

http://patriotpost.us/pages/284
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« Reply #1406 on: November 29, 2013, 11:46:05 AM »

"[D]emocracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security, or the rights of property; and have, in general, been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths." --James Madison, Federalist No. 10, 1787
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MLK
« Reply #1407 on: December 01, 2013, 11:57:34 AM »

"The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy." - Dr. Martin Luther King.
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« Reply #1408 on: December 02, 2013, 11:25:49 AM »

"I would rather be exposed to the inconveniencies attending too much liberty than those attending too small a degree of it." --Thomas Jefferson
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« Reply #1409 on: December 03, 2013, 12:17:13 PM »

"Temporary delusions, prejudices, excitements, and objects have irresistible influence in mere questions of policy. And the policy of one age may ill suit the wishes or the policy of another. The constitution is not subject to such fluctuations. It is to have a fixed, uniform, permanent construction. It should be, so far at least as human infirmity will allow, not dependent upon the passions or parties of particular times, but the same yesterday, to-day, and for ever." --Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution, 1833
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« Reply #1410 on: December 03, 2013, 08:52:35 PM »

WSJ

Reagan and the Roots of Conservatism
The Gipper was more of a Thomas Paine man than a Burkean.


By
William A. Galston
Dec. 3, 2013 7:13 p.m. ET

If Ronald Reagan was not a conservative, there is no modern American conservatism. But if Yuval Levin's provocative new book, "The Great Debate: Edmund Burke, Thomas Paine, and the Birth of Left and Right," is correct, Reagan was anything but a conservative on what Mr. Levin regards as the most fundamental division between left and right—Burke's and Paine's rival conceptions of political change.

In his 1776 pamphlet "Common Sense," Paine famously proclaimed that "we have it in our power to begin the world over again." Burke, whom Mr. Levin regards as the progenitor of conservatism, saw the future as inextricably linked to the past and present. Abrupt or revolutionary change begins with social destruction and ends in self-destruction. Change that improves the world is rooted in respect for the tacit wisdom of the present. A true patriot and wise politician, Burke wrote, "always considers how he shall make the most of the existing materials of his country," a thought that Mr. Levin summarizes as "we do not have it in our power to begin the world over again."

This brings us to Ronald Reagan, whose attitude toward change was more like Paine's than Burke's. Reagan often quoted Paine's "we have it in our power" affirmation and did so in one of the most systematic statements of his creed—his acceptance speech at the 1980 Republican convention.


This detail is symptomatic of a larger truth: In its politically relevant form, modern American conservatism does not embody a theory of incremental change. On the contrary, conservatives from Reagan to the present day have been moved by the belief that America is headed in the wrong direction and needs to reverse course. Ever-growing government must shrink; the encouragement of risk-taking must replace the expansion of publicly provided security; the relentless growth of laws and regulations must yield to the rebirth of individual liberty.

The point is not whether contemporary conservatism is right or wrong, but rather that it is radical, not Burkean.

In fact, it is hard to be both an American and a follower of Burke. As Mr. Levin acknowledges, Burke rejects the theory of natural rights at the heart of the Declaration of Independence, and he denies that society is a contract that the people may alter when it ceases to secure those rights. In Burke's view, Mr. Levin suggests, the early Americans "merely sought to continue and preserve the traditions of the English constitution and the privileges they had always enjoyed." If that had been the case, the first two paragraphs of the Declaration would have been superfluous.

As Mr. Levin shows, Burke saw a limited role for reason in political life. Indeed, he argued that "political problems do not primarily concern truth or falsehood." America's Founders, who based their argument for independence on self-evident truths, disagreed with Burke. The authors of the Federalist essays in the 1780s argued that "the science of politics, . . . like most other sciences, has received great improvement," such that they understood principles that theorists and statesmen of previous epochs grasped imperfectly or not at all.

Burke was skeptical, Mr. Levin says, about the ability of human beings to reason directly about abstract principles. That would mean that the deepest anti-Burkean of all was our greatest president, the founder of the Republican Party. In 1859, Abraham Lincoln wrote: "All honor to Jefferson —to the man who, in the concrete pressure of a struggle for national independence by a single people, had the coolness, forecast, and capacity to introduce into a merely revolutionary document, an abstract truth, applicable to all men and all times." In this respect, among many others, today's conservatives follow Lincoln, not Burke. The two Americans whose understanding of our founding most closely resembled Burke's were Stephen Douglas and Chief Justice Roger B. Taney.

Rejecting a politics of individual choice, Burke emphasizes instead the unchosen obligations that structure social life. Although he was familiar with the fact of social mobility, it was hardly central to his vision. Society as he saw it consists of ranks and orders, hierarchies and obligations, connected by sentiments of fear, awe and reverence. Since the withering of the Virginia aristocracy in the early 19th century, the dominant sentiment of American society has been social equality. Today's conservatives embrace the ideal of equal opportunity as firmly as today's liberals; the rival ideologies differ about the means to that end, not the end itself.

None of this is to say that Burke is irrelevant to contemporary politics. His insistence on the political centrality of passion and imagination is an essential corrective to theories that find room only for reason and self-interest. There are, as Burke said, abuses of liberty and pathologies of choice. There are limits to our ability to foresee the consequences of our policies, and therefore reasons for caution. As Mr. Levin suggests, there is room for Burkean practice if not Burkean theory.

Burke might just do as the source for a revived British conservatism. But for their theoretical inspiration, American conservatives will have to look elsewhere
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« Reply #1411 on: December 04, 2013, 09:38:44 AM »

"The propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has ordained." --George Washington, First Inaugural Address, 1789
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« Reply #1412 on: December 05, 2013, 11:19:44 AM »


Bulletproof: George Washington protected by powerful dispensations of Providence
http://www.examiner.com/article/bulletproof-george-washington-protected-by-powerful-dispensations-of-providence

Ben Franklin said:

"The longer I live, the more convincing proofs I see of this truth, that God governs in the affairs of men. And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground without His notice, is it probable that an empire can rise without His aid?"

An example of God governing in the affairs of our young nation is a story you might never have heard about George Washington. According to historian David Barton these are stories no longer found in the text books of our nation's classrooms.

Two events we'll be examining happened around the time of the French and Indian War which was from 1754–1763. The French and Indian War occurred twenty years before the American Revolution.

Both the French and British were at odds over land in this new world, which would eventually become America. Specifically, the area of contention was in present-day Ohio, and both the English and French had laid claims to it.

In 1753, the Virginia Governor Robert Dinwiddie appointed George Washington, at age 21, to deliver a message to the French. Washington was to deliver this message to the French garrison at Fort Le Boeuf near Lake Erie. The message demanded an immediate French withdrawal from the Ohio Country.

Washington and his eight-man party made the long trek from Virginia on October 3, 1753. He and his party reached the fort on December 12. Jacques Legardeur de Saint-Pierre, graciously received Washington and his party. Saint-Pierre invited Washington to dine with him.

Saint-Pierre was presented with the letter to which he responded "As to the Summons you send me to retire; I do not think myself obliged to obey it." He noted that France's claim to the Ohio Country was superior due to René-Robert Cavelier and Sieur de La Salle's exploration of the area almost a century earlier.

Washington left Fort Le Boeuf early on December 16. On Washington's return trip to Virginia, he and one of his guides, Christopher Gist, went ahead of the other men. They desired to reach the governor quickly with the news of the French refusal to leave the Ohio Country.

It was during this time that Washington and Gist lost their canoe to the icy river rapids. Eventually, they arrived at Murdering Town, near Evans City, which was 30 miles north of Pittsburgh. In need of a guide they met an Indian who agreed to show them the fastest route to the forks of the Ohio River.

After leading the weary Washington and Gist for a few miles, the Indian guide ran ahead to a clearing. He then turned and fired his musket at Washington, near point-blank range (reportedly about 15 feet) and missed. The guide was seized by Gist and was about to be killed, but Washington prevented Gist from taking his life.

They later released the Indian after dark. Washington and Gist traveled through the night because they were concerned the Indian would return with reinforcements. This was one of the first times that Washington was spared, and certainly it would stand to reason the hand of God played a part in his protection.

One of the next reported instances of Washington being bullet-proof came when he was a 23-year-old colonel serving under General Edward Braddock. Since the claim of the disputed territories could not be solved diplomatically the British sent Braddock to resolve the issue.

Braddock's intention was to rout the French from the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. Washington and the Virginia militia joined Braddock, and they set out with 1300 troops to expel the French from Fort Duquesne.

It was July 9, 1755; Washington and Braddock were only seven miles from the fort when they were ambushed by a combined force of French and Indians. The British and Virginia militia were being fired upon from both sides.

After a grueling two hours of battle 714 of the 1300 British and American troops had been shot down. Meanwhile, the French and Indian force only lost around 30. History tells us that 86 British and American officers in that battle were killed, even General Braddock was mortally wounded.

Washington was the only officer who had not been shot from off his horse. After this resounding defeat, he gathered his remaining men and retreated to Fort Cumberland in western Maryland, arriving there on July 17, 1755.

The following day, Washington wrote a letter to his family telling them about the Battle of the Monongahela. After the battle he told them, he removed his jacket and found four bullet holes in it but yet a single bullet hadn't even graze him. Several horses had been shot out from under him, but he was not harmed. This is when he said:

    By the all-powerful dispensations of Providence, I have been protected beyond all human probability or expectation.’

Washington acknowledged without a doubt that God’s hand was upon him, and God had protected him throughout the battle. However, the best part of this story is yet to come. It was 15 years later in 1770; Washington returned to the same Pennsylvania woods where the battle had taken place.

It's said an old Indian chief came from a great distance because he heard that Washington had returned to the battle site. The chief sat down with Washington and had a face-to-face over a council fire. This is when the chief said he'd been a leader in the Battle of Monongahela 15 years earlier. The chief then said he had instructed his braves to single out and shoot down the officers.

Washington had been singled out specifically by the chief, and he fired 17 different times trying to kill him. This chief believed that Washington was under the care of the Great Spirit, and as such he told his braves to quit firing upon him. He then told Washington:

    I have traveled a long and weary path that I might see the young warrior of the great battle…. I am come to pay homage to the man who is the particular favorite of Heaven, and who can never die in battle.

Perhaps you'll agree after reading these accounts that God's hand played an important part in the life of Washington and the birth of our great nation.

If you would like to receive an email when new articles are published please consider subscribing by clicking the blue subscribe link near the bottom or this article. If you would like to read more articles by the Christianity Examiner, you can go here.
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« Reply #1413 on: December 09, 2013, 10:19:20 AM »

"Guard with jealous attention the public liberty. Suspect every one who approaches that jewel. Unfortunately, nothing will preserve it but downright force. Whenever you give up that force, you are inevitably ruined." --Patrick Henry, speech in the Virginia Ratifying Convention, 1778
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« Reply #1414 on: December 10, 2013, 10:50:59 AM »

"Human government is more or less perfect as it approaches nearer or diverges farther from the imitation of this perfect plan of divine and moral government." --John Adams, draft of a Newspaper Communication, 1770
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« Reply #1415 on: December 11, 2013, 10:32:43 AM »



"Necessity, especially in politics, often occasions false hopes, false reasonings and a system of measures, correspondently erroneous." --Alexander Hamilton, Federalist No. 35, 1788
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« Reply #1416 on: December 12, 2013, 11:24:49 AM »

FOUNDER'S QUOTE DAILY
"[T]he jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government." --George Washington, Farewell Address, 1796
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« Reply #1417 on: December 13, 2013, 11:04:36 AM »

"A sacred respect for the constitutional law is the vital principle, the sustaining energy of a free government." --Alexander Hamilton, Essay in the American Daily Advertiser, 1794
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« Reply #1418 on: December 16, 2013, 08:12:49 AM »

"History by apprising [citizens] of the past will enable them to judge of the future; it will avail them of the experience of other times and other nations; it will qualify them as judges of the actions and designs of men; it will enable them to know ambition under every disguise it may assume; and knowing it, to defeat its views." --Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, Query 14, 1781

"Were the pictures which have been drawn by the political jealousy of some among us, faithful likenesses of the human character, the inference would be that there is not sufficient virtue among men for self-government; and that nothing less than the chains of despotism can restrain them from destroying and devouring one another." --James Madison
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #1419 on: December 17, 2013, 10:45:54 AM »

"As riches increase and accumulate in few hands, as luxury prevails in society, virtue will be in a greater degree considered as only a graceful appendage of wealth, and the tendency of things will be to depart from the republican standard. This is the real disposition of human nature; it is what neither the honorable member nor myself can correct. It is a common misfortunate that awaits our State constitution, as well as all others." --Alexander Hamilton, speech to the New York Ratifying Convention, 1788

I would note that

a) the concentration of wealth has greatly increased under the economic fascism of the "progressive" economics of the current administration.
b) the alleged increase in concentration under Reagan was due to those in high brackets who were hiding the money in tax shelters (which made sense at the 70% rate prior to Reagan) allowed that money to be "seen" by the tax code as rates went down under Reagan. Thus the data appeared to show an increase in concentration when in fact "the rich" were actually paying more.
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« Reply #1420 on: December 17, 2013, 11:03:15 AM »

Second post

http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/17/arts/design/records-of-rights-at-the-national-archives.html?hpw&rref=arts&pagewanted=all&_r=0

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« Reply #1421 on: December 18, 2013, 06:38:20 AM »

"There is not a more important and fundamental principle in legislation, than that the ways and means ought always to face the public engagements; that our appropriations should ever go hand in hand with our promises." --James Madison, Speech in Congress, 1790

"The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave." --Patrick Henry
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« Reply #1422 on: December 19, 2013, 11:17:40 AM »



"Without justice being freely, fully, and impartially administered, neither our persons, nor our rights, nor our property, can be protected. And if these, or either of them, are regulated by no certain laws, and are subject to no certain principles, and are held by no certain tenure, and are redressed, when violated, by no certain remedies, society fails of all its value; and men may as well return to a state of savage and barbarous independence." --Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution, 1833
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« Reply #1423 on: December 20, 2013, 09:31:06 AM »

"May the father of all mercies scatter light, and not darkness, upon our paths, and make us in all our several vocations useful here, and in His own due time and way everlastingly happy." --George Washington (1790)
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« Reply #1424 on: January 07, 2014, 10:59:45 AM »

"It is the manners and spirit of a people which preserve a republic in vigor. A degeneracy in these is a canker which soon eats to the heart of its laws and constitution." --Thomas Jefferson (1781)
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« Reply #1425 on: January 09, 2014, 06:33:41 PM »

"Let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle." --George Washington (Farewell Address, 1796)

"The most perfect freedom consists in obeying the dictates of right reason, and submitting to natural law. When a man goes beyond or contrary to the law of nature and reason, he becomes the slave of base passions and vile lusts; he introduces confusion and disorder into society, and brings misery and destruction upon himself. This, therefore, cannot be called a state of freedom, but a state of the vilest slavery and the most dreadful bondage." --Samuel West (1776)
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« Reply #1426 on: January 10, 2014, 11:10:38 AM »

"He therefore is the truest friend to the liberty of his country who tries most to promote its virtue, and who, so far as his power and influence extend, will not suffer a man to be chosen into any office of power and trust who is not a wise and virtuous man... The sum of all is, if we would most truly enjoy this gift of Heaven, let us become a virtuous people." --Samuel Adams
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« Reply #1427 on: January 13, 2014, 11:04:23 AM »

"No man can well doubt the propriety of placing a president of the United States under the most solemn obligations to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution. It is a suitable pledge of his fidelity and responsibility to his country; and creates upon his conscience a deep sense of duty, by an appeal, at once in the presence of God and man, to the most sacred and solemn sanctions, which can operate upon the human mind." --Joseph Story (1833)
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« Reply #1428 on: January 15, 2014, 11:47:00 AM »

"Be courteous to all, but intimate with few, and let those few be well tried before you give them your confidence; true friendship is a plant of slow growth, and must undergo and withstand the shocks and adversity before it is entitled to the appellation." --George Washington, Letter to Bushrod Washington, 1783
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« Reply #1429 on: January 15, 2014, 12:24:00 PM »

http://www.let.rug.nl/usa/presidents/thomas-jefferson/letters-of-thomas-jefferson/jefl279.php

To William Ludlow Monticello, September 6,1824
The Letters of Thomas Jefferson SIR,

-- The idea which you present in your letter of July 30th, of the progress of society from its rudest state to that it has now attained, seems conformable to what may be probably conjectured. Indeed, we have under our eyes tolerable proofs of it. Let a philosophic observer commence a journey from the savages of the Rocky Mountains, eastwardly towards our sea-coast. These he would observe in the earliest stage of association living under no law but that of nature, subscribing and covering themselves with the flesh and skins of wild beasts. He would next find those on our frontiers in the pastoral state, raising domestic animals to supply the defects of hunting. Then succeed our own semi-barbarous citizens, the pioneers of the advance of civilization, and so in his progress he would meet the gradual shades of improving man until he would reach his, as yet, most improved state in our seaport towns. This, in fact, is equivalent to a survey, in time, of the progress of man from the infancy of creation to the present day. I am eighty-one years of age, born where I now live, in the first range of mountains in the interior of our country. And I have observed this march of civilization advancing from the sea coast, passing over us like a cloud of light, increasing our knowledge and improving our condition, insomuch as that we are at this time more advanced in civilization here than the seaports were when I was a boy. And where this progress will stop no one can say. Barbarism has, in the meantime, been receding before the steady step of amelioration; and will in time, I trust, disappear from the earth. You seem to think that this advance has brought on too complicated a state of society, and that we should gain in happiness by treading back our steps a little way. I think, myself, that we have more machinery of government than is necessary, too many parasites living on the labor of the industrious. I believe it might be much simplified to the relief of those who maintain it. Your experiment seems to have this in view. A society of seventy families, the number you name, may very possibly be governed as a single family, subsisting on their common industry, and holding all things in common. Some regulators of the family you still must have, and it remains to be seen at what period of your increasing population your simple regulations will cease to be sufficient to preserve order, peace, and justice. The experiment is interesting;

I shall not live to see its issue, but I wish it success equal to your hopes, and to yourself and society prosperity and happiness.
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« Reply #1430 on: January 16, 2014, 11:09:58 AM »

"Why has government been instituted at all? Because the passions of men will not conform to the dictates of reason and justice without constraint." --Alexander Hamilton, Federalist No. 15, 1787
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« Reply #1431 on: January 17, 2014, 11:24:38 AM »

"If the president alone was vested with the power of appointing all officers, and was left to select a council for himself, he would be liable to be deceived by flatterers and pretenders to patriotism." --Roger Sherman, to John Adams, 1789
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« Reply #1432 on: January 20, 2014, 11:12:18 AM »

"The foundation on which all [constitutions] are built is the natural equality of man, the denial of every preeminence but that annexed to legal office, and particularly the denial of a preeminence by birth." --Thomas Jefferson, letter to George Washington, 1784
MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. DAY
 

"I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: 'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.' ... I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. ... And if America is to be a great nation this must become true." --Martin Luther King Jr.

=============

For the record we pre-date Glenn Beck in counting MLK as a Founding Father.
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« Reply #1433 on: January 21, 2014, 11:20:53 AM »

"[C]onsidering the natural lust for power so inherent in man, I fear the thirst of power will prevail to oppress the people." --George Mason, speech at the Virginia Ratifying Convention, 1788
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« Reply #1434 on: January 22, 2014, 12:11:12 PM »

"It becomes all therefore who are friends of a Government based on free principles to reflect, that by denying the possibility of a system partly federal and partly consolidated, and who would convert ours into one either wholly federal or wholly consolidated, in neither of which forms have individual rights, public order, and external safety, been all duly maintained, they aim a deadly blow at the last hope of true liberty on the face of the Earth." --James Madison, Notes on Nullification, 1834
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« Reply #1435 on: January 23, 2014, 11:36:51 AM »



"f the citizens neglect their duty and place unprincipled men in office, the government will soon be corrupted. ... If a republican government fails to secure public prosperity and happiness, it must be because the citizens neglect the Divine commands, and elect bad men to make and administer the laws." --Noah Webster
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« Reply #1436 on: January 24, 2014, 11:42:32 AM »

"If the people are capable of understanding, seeing and feeling the differences between true and false, right and wrong, virtue and vice, to what better principle can the friends of mankind apply than to the sense of this difference?" --John Adams, the Novanglus, 1775
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« Reply #1437 on: January 27, 2014, 11:56:15 AM »

"In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place, oblige it to control itself." --James Madison, Federalist No. 51, 1788
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« Reply #1438 on: January 28, 2014, 12:02:15 PM »

"It behooves every man who values liberty of conscience for himself, to resist invasions of it in the case of others." --Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, 1784
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« Reply #1439 on: January 29, 2014, 11:49:02 AM »

"A feeble executive implies a feeble execution of the government. A feeble execution is but another phrase for a bad execution; and a government ill executed, whatever may be its theory, must, in practice, be a bad government." --Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution, 1833
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« Reply #1440 on: January 30, 2014, 11:19:09 AM »

"If there be a principle that ought not to be questioned within the United States, it is, that every nation has a right to abolish an old government and establish a new one. This principle is not only recorded in every public archive, written in every American heart, and sealed with the blood of a host of American martyrs; but is the only lawful tenure by which the United States hold their existence as a nation." --James Madison, Helevidius, No. 3, 1793
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« Reply #1441 on: February 03, 2014, 11:17:40 AM »

"The moment the idea is admitted into society that property is not as sacred as the law of God, and that there is not a force of law and public justice to protect it, anarchy and tyranny commence." --John Adams, Defence of the Constitutions of the Government of the United States, 1787
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« Reply #1442 on: February 04, 2014, 11:20:40 AM »

"A little matter will move a party, but it must be something great that moves a nation." --Thomas Paine, Rights of Man, 1791
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« Reply #1443 on: February 05, 2014, 11:45:56 AM »

"I will not believe our labors are lost. I shall not die without a hope that light and liberty are on a steady advance." --Thomas Jefferson, letter to John Adams, 1821
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« Reply #1444 on: February 06, 2014, 11:55:49 AM »

"It will be remembered, that a frequent recurrence to fundamental principles is solemnly enjoined by most of the state constitutions, and particularly by our own, as a necessary safeguard against the danger of degeneracy, to which republics are liable, as well as other governments, though in a less degree than others." --James Madison, Report of the Virginia Resolutions
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« Reply #1445 on: February 07, 2014, 08:31:17 PM »


"Is the power who is jealous of our prosperity, a proper power to govern us?
Whoever says No, to this question, is an Independent for independency means no
more than this, whether we shall make our own laws, or, whether the King, the
greatest enemy this continent hath, or can have, shall tell us there shall be
no laws but such as I like." --Thomas Paine, Common Sense, 1776
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« Reply #1446 on: February 13, 2014, 12:05:01 PM »

"God forbid we should ever be twenty years without such a rebellion. The people cannot be all, and always, well informed. The part which is wrong will be discontented, in proportion to the importance of the facts they misconceive. If they remain quiet under such misconceptions, it is lethargy, the forerunner of death to the public liberty." --Thomas Jefferson, letter to William S. Smith, 1787
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« Reply #1447 on: February 14, 2014, 10:58:28 AM »

"hould Congress, under the pretext of executing its powers, pass laws for the accomplishment of objects not entrusted to the government, such [acts are] not the law of the land." --John Marshall, McCulloch v. Maryland, 1819
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« Reply #1448 on: February 17, 2014, 03:15:20 PM »

"We are either a United people, or we are not. If the former, let us, in all matters of general concern act as a nation, which have national objects to promote, and a national character to support. If we are not, let us no longer act a farce by pretending to it." --George Washington, letter to James Madison, 1785
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« Reply #1449 on: February 18, 2014, 11:46:04 AM »

"[A]ll are subject by nature to equal laws of morality, and in society have a right to equal laws for their government, yet no two men are perfectly equal in person, property, understanding, activity, and virtue, or ever can be made so by any power less than that which created them." --John Adams, Discourse on Davila - XV, 1776
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