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Author Topic: European matters  (Read 41335 times)
ccp
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« Reply #200 on: February 28, 2017, 07:14:49 AM »

The left is just as vile in Europe as here I guess.  Prob funded by Soros:

http://www.breitbart.com/london/2017/02/27/german-carnival-attack-trump-decapitated/
« Last Edit: February 28, 2017, 10:54:15 AM by Crafty_Dog » Logged
G M
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« Reply #201 on: February 28, 2017, 09:17:01 AM »

The left is just as vile in Europe as here I guess.  Prob funded by Soros:

http://www.breitbart.com/london/2017/02/27/german-carnival-attack-trump-decapitated/

Interesting bit of projection. Who is decapitating people?
« Last Edit: February 28, 2017, 10:54:00 AM by Crafty_Dog » Logged
ccp
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« Reply #202 on: February 28, 2017, 12:52:18 PM »

"Who is decapitating people?"

The latest allies of the LEFT.

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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #203 on: March 04, 2017, 10:50:12 AM »

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/europe-visa-free-travel-americans-european-parliament-vote-a7609406.html
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #204 on: March 05, 2017, 11:36:14 AM »


http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-39140100
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DougMacG
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« Reply #205 on: March 15, 2017, 12:58:52 PM »

The incumbent, Mark Rutte, is considered to be from the free market conservative party.  I don't think of the Netherlands as a free market country so I don't really know what that means.  "Our ability to create jobs, our future growth, is built on the free market. It's built on open borders." - Mark Rutte
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People's_Party_for_Freedom_and_Democracy

 The top challenger is Geert Wilders of the 'Freedom' party who has made a name with bold talk against Muslim immigration.  They have been coalition partners as well as rivals.  I can't comment on the Dutch immigration problem without bias; I was knifed by "immigrants" on my last Holland visit.  I came out of it better than Theo Van Gogh did: http://www.nytimes.com/2004/11/03/world/europe/dutch-filmmaker-an-islam-critic-is-killed.html

Regarding Wilders, it's about time someone spoke up about the problem. Whether he is the best candidate, I don't know.   Wilders has lost support in the last poll, but everyone seems to know after Brexit and Trump, polls on these matters have been amazingly unreliable.

This will be interesting to watch.

https://www.ft.com/content/6bc14dee-0909-11e7-97d1-5e720a26771b
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #206 on: March 19, 2017, 11:53:39 PM »

http://thefederalistpapers.org/us/trump-doesnt-mince-words-tells-germany-to-pay-up
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #207 on: March 26, 2017, 02:43:18 PM »

https://matadornetwork.com/life/9-american-habits-i-lost-when-i-moved-to-germany/1/
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G M
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« Reply #208 on: March 26, 2017, 03:01:29 PM »


Yeah, this article will be very out of date soon.
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #209 on: March 26, 2017, 03:35:42 PM »

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9bTKSin4JN4
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G M
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« Reply #210 on: March 26, 2017, 04:31:07 PM »


https://www.express.co.uk/news/world/724800/Syrian-refugee-Ghazia-A-four-wives-23-children-320000-benefits-germany-Montabaur-Twasif

Perhaps they should try that on these "Germans".
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #211 on: April 11, 2017, 09:13:24 AM »

Behind Le Pen’s Ideological Face Lift
The National Front leader peddles Holocaust revisionism.
April 10, 2017 8:54 p.m. ET

Marine Le Pen has spent years trying to clean up the French National Front’s image as a party of cranks, anti-Semites and apologists for the Nazi-collaborationist Vichy regime. Then the mask slid back down on Sunday as the far-right Presidential nominee reminded the world that Holocaust revisionism still lives in the Front.

Ms. Le Pen in an interview said that “France isn’t responsible for the Vel d’Hiv,” a reference to the rounding up of more than 13,000 Jews—including some 4,000 children—in July 1942. Nazi occupiers, with the help of the Vichy regime of Marshal Pétain, crowded the victims into a cycling stadium before dispatching them to concentration camps. The majority were sent to Auschwitz.

Ms. Le Pen lamented how such historical events had been used to teach French children to be ashamed of the French past. She added: “If there are people responsible, it’s those who were in power at the time. It’s not France.”

This is an historical evasion. Many French fought the Nazis, but the scale of French collaboration was vast, with some 350,000 French citizens purged or punished postwar for collaboration. Current French President François Hollande and the center-right former President Jacques Chirac have accepted state responsibility for the Vel d’Hiv episode and apologized.

Ms. Le Pen’s remarks suggest backtracking and revisionism, which is why they drew condemnation from France’s Jewish leaders as well as Israel’s foreign ministry.

The comments echoed the National Front of Ms. Le Pen’s father, Jean-Marie. Mr. Le Pen in 1987 described the Holocaust as a “detail in the history of World War II” and more recently suggested that “Mr. Ebola” could solve the world’s “demographic” problems.

Emmanuel Macron, the centrist independent who is Ms. Le Pen’s main Presidential rival, noted, “Some had forgotten that Marine Le Pen is the daughter of Jean-Marie Le Pen.” With the first round of voting less than three weeks away, Ms. Le Pen is alerting voters to what has—and hasn’t—changed in her party.
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DougMacG
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« Reply #212 on: April 19, 2017, 01:11:49 PM »

Insights on the thinking of Theresa May calling early elections:

1.  A new election declares void any challenges to the last election.
2.  Head off the shrinking of the number of seats in parliament that would hurt Tories.
3.  May needs a greater majority to get things done domestically.
4.  Leverage against a new Scottish independence vote.
5.  Increase May's legitimacy to govern.  Gain power to execute Brexit.
6.  Hit the opposition while they are in disarray.  

http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/elections/2017/04/four-thoughts-theresa-mays-general-election-decision

« Last Edit: April 19, 2017, 10:24:42 PM by Crafty_Dog » Logged
Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #213 on: April 23, 2017, 01:36:26 PM »



http://www.tabletmag.com/jewish-news-and-politics/183350/frances-toxic-hate-4-le-pen-2?utm_source=tabletmagazinelist&utm_campaign=b1851de1db-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2017_04_23&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_c308bf8edb-b1851de1db-207194629

Not often discussed-- the attitude/alliance with/money from Russia thing raises serious questions. 
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DougMacG
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« Reply #214 on: April 25, 2017, 09:59:13 AM »

The globalist ideal has been tabled by events.  Neither Macron nor anyone on his ideological team has any idea how to solve France or Europe's problems.

"Macron's is a remarkable achievement, because he represents optimism." - Where have we heard this before?

The trouble with Emmanuel Macron
 
James Poulos
 Sylvain Lefevre/Getty Images
April 23, 2017
Emmanuel Macron, a French technocrat running an independent presidential campaign to put political distance between himself and his fellow established elites, edged out insurgent nationalist Marine Le Pen in the most closely watched French election of many Americans' lifetime. Macron nabbed nearly one-fourth of the vote in an 11-candidate field, followed closely by Le Pen. Now he'll face her one on one in the May 7 runoff. But the partisans of the West's mushy middle — favoring more liberal globalization, more financial and economic regulation in lieu of political agency, and no social unrest in the bargain, thanks — are already popping champagne.

"It's a political earthquake in this country and in Europe," one respected journalist told CNN. "Macron's is a remarkable achievement, because he represents optimism."

Yes, fellow Americans, this is how bad it's gotten abroad: Squeaking out a first-round win by symbolizing a future of niceness now strikes the status-quo-ites as the beginning of a world made new.

The reality is considerably grimmer. How dire it was, throughout the French campaign, to watch centrists left and right insist that only they could beat back the forces of "extremism," that catchall term which has served the West so poorly in organizing its resources against foes foreign and domestic. The continued rise of populist, nationalist, and, yes, even communist parties in Europe has shown just how extreme a reaction established neoliberalism has provoked in its failings to date — inadequate, costly efforts, by turns ham-handed, shambolic, and impotent, to manage everything from the Eurozone crisis to the immigration debacle.


Yes, it's all been a tall order; yes, the ruling (or is it managing?) classes should have seen it coming. And yes: However well-intentioned and authentic the likes of Macron and Co., who probably grasp how truly bad it can get in Europe, their ilk are still locked into policies guaranteed to further aggravate political extremism left, right, and Islamic. They think their political stalemate with Le Pen and her fellow travelers is a victory. Really, it spells a fiercer culture war.

The real story of France and Europe laid bare by Macron's whisker of a win is that simply no consensus exists among today's adult generations about how to refashion a future for Europe. Right now, there is really no question that the globalist center's ideal "future" has been tabled indefinitely by events. There's not even any falling back on an "end of history." History is skipping like a bad record, glitching over the same travails. An open-ended financial and economic predicament with no rational solution and no mores deep enough to cauterize the wound and start fresh. A continuous low-grade panic attack of police action and surveillance, struggling undermanned and under cultural constraints to prevent just enough terror attacks and abuses, whatever that magic number may be. A complete forfeit of any plan to push EU regulatory unification toward the singularity point that the European project had always envisioned, however abstractly, as its justifying goal.

Neither Macron nor anyone on his ideological team has the first inkling of how to surmount or steer clear of these impasses.
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #215 on: April 27, 2017, 12:30:15 AM »

Not wild about Marine's economics , , ,


By Matthew Dalton
April 26, 2017 4:34 p.m. ET
11 COMMENTS

AMIENS, France—French presidential candidates on Wednesday turned a Whirlpool Corp. factory threatened with closure here into an impromptu stage for an ideological battle over how to revive the country’s declining industrial might.

Far-right candidate Marine Le Pen has made the plant’s looming closure a national rallying point for her antiglobalist, euroskeptic campaign. The Michigan-based appliance maker announced in January it would close the plant and move production to Poland, a European Union country where wages are a fraction what they are in France.

Her rival, centrist candidate Emmanuel Macron, held a scheduled meeting with Whirlpool union delegates behind closed doors in the center of Amiens. For 45 minutes he argued for his economic program, preaching the importance of free trade and of guarding France’s place in the EU.
National Front candidate Marine Le Pen smiling with people in front of the Whirpool factory in Amiens on Wednesday.
National Front candidate Marine Le Pen smiling with people in front of the Whirpool factory in Amiens on Wednesday. Photo: Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

Shortly before his meeting was over, Ms. Le Pen showed up in a surprise visit 2 miles away at the Whirlpool plant itself and criticized Mr. Macron for not being there with the workers.

“I’m here exactly where I belong, among Whirlpool workers who are resisting wild globalization,” she said in the plant’s parking lot. “There are millions of unemployed today, and there will be millions more tomorrow under the economic model Mr. Macron wants to impose.”

In a last-minute decision, Mr. Macron’s team took him to the factory, where he made his way through a crowd chanting “Marine for president” to present his case to workers. “After the closure of borders, what is there? The destruction of thousands of jobs that need them open,” Mr. Macron shouted over jeers and whistles as clouds of black smoke from tires set alight by the workers enveloped the parking lot.
Related Stories

    Le Pen’s Bid to Lead France Hinges on Low Turnout (April 25)
    How a Macron Presidency Could Bring About ECB Tapering (April 24)
    Le Pen’s Rise Fueled by Industrial Decline (April 20)

Wednesday’s sparring in Amiens, in France’s economically struggling north, shows how France’s withering industrial regions have become a key battleground in a presidential race that has become a referendum on the EU, free trade and open borders.

Polls show Ms. Le Pen’s candidacy facing long odds. With less than two weeks until second-round balloting on May 7, an OpinionWay survey published Wednesday showed she would lose 40% to 60%.

Still, first-round results suggest the country is more divided than ever over the EU. Votes for the main euroskeptic candidates, primarily Ms. Le Pen and far-left firebrand Jean-Luc Mélenchon, accounted for nearly half of the tally on Sunday.

The anger against the political establishment in industrial areas like Amiens is one result of France’s industrial decline, which governments of the left and the right have been powerless to stop. French industrial production is 10% lower than it was when France adopted the euro in 1999.
Emmanuel Macron: France's Next President?
He was relatively unknown in French politics. Now, he could become the youngest ever president of France. Who is Emmanuel Macron, what does he stand for, and could he win? WSJ’s Niki Blasina reports. Photo: Getty Images.

Although the Whirlpool plant is in his hometown region, Mr. Macron has been reluctant to weigh in on the looming factory closure. “My silence is a refusal to manipulate the situation,” he said on French television earlier this month.

After meeting with workers on Wednesday, he criticized Whirlpool for not negotiating with the unions in recent days. Workers have been on strike since Monday because the company’s management hasn’t started talks over severance and other issues associated with the plant’s closure.

“Our top priority remains to enable the emergence of a viable and sustainable solution for the Amiens site,” Whirlpool said. The company, its workers and the French government are looking for investors to buy the site, a process required under a law passed in 2015 to stem France’s industrial losses.

Ms. Le Pen has pledged to impose a 35% tax on Whirlpool and other companies that move production out of France. She also said the government would step in to buy the plant if she is elected and no other buyer has been found.

    ‘We’ve voted left-right, played Ping-Pong for 20 years. Finally, we’ve seen they’re the same. We’ll try the National Front.’
    —Whirlpool worker David Gallo

Mr. Macron sought to warn the workers surrounding him on the parking lot of the risks of withdrawing from the EU and imposing tariffs at French borders, as Ms. Le Pen has proposed. Another major employer in the region, Procter & Gamble Co. , whose Amiens plant exports across the EU, would see its business suffer, he said.

“If Ms. Le Pen is elected, that [other] plant closes,” he told reporters.

Afterward, David Gallo, who has worked at Whirlpool for more than 20 years, said Mr. Macron was well-spoken but had failed to convince him.

“He’s been trained to speak,” Mr. Gallo said, “that’s not the problem. The question is what he will do.”

Mr. Gallo, who voted for conservative Nicolas Sarkozy in 2012, said he wants to give Ms. Le Pen a chance. “We’ve voted left-right, played Ping-Pong for 20 years,” he said. “Finally, we’ve seen they’re the same. We’ll try the National Front.”
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DougMacG
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« Reply #216 on: April 27, 2017, 08:42:07 AM »

Not wild about Marine's economics , , ,

Likewise. I find myself pulling for her to shake up the system but I don't agree with her economics.
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G M
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« Reply #217 on: April 27, 2017, 09:20:16 AM »

Not wild about Marine's economics , , ,

Likewise. I find myself pulling for her to shake up the system but I don't agree with her economics.

Yes, but the French love them some socialisme. The economic damage means they just haven't tried enough.
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #218 on: April 28, 2017, 09:16:19 PM »

The Man Who Saved Europe the Last Time
Konrad Adenauer restored democracy to Germany and helped unify a devastated Continent.
Konrad Adenauer (second from left), Sept. 21, 1949, with the high commissioners of the occupation (left to right), America’s John J. McCloy, Britain’s Sir Brian Robertson and France’s André François-Poncet.
Konrad Adenauer (second from left), Sept. 21, 1949, with the high commissioners of the occupation (left to right), America’s John J. McCloy, Britain’s Sir Brian Robertson and France’s André François-Poncet. Photo: Bettmann Archive
By Henry A. Kissinger
April 28, 2017 6:10 p.m. ET
6 COMMENTS

The attribute of greatness is reserved for leaders from whose time onward history can be told only in terms of their achievements. I observed essential elements of Germany’s history—as a native son, as a refugee from its upheavals, as a soldier in the American army of occupation, and as a witness to its astonishing renewal.

Only a few who experienced this evolution remain. For many contemporary Germans, the Adenauer period seems like a tale from an era long transcended. To the contrary, they live in a dynamic established by Konrad Adenauer, a man whose lifespan, from 1876 to 1967, covered all but five years of the unified German national state first proclaimed in 1871.

Devastated, impoverished, partitioned, the Federal Republic came about after World War II by the merger of the American, British and French zones of occupation, containing just two-thirds of Germany’s prewar population. Five million refugees from Germany’s prewar territories needed integration; they agitated for the recovery of lost territories. The Soviet occupation zone, containing 18 million people, was turned into a communist political entity.

The Federal Republic’s advent capped a century of discontinuity. The Empire after Bismarck had felt beleaguered by the alliances surrounding it; the Weimar Republic after World War I had felt abused by an imposed peace settlement; Hitler had sought an atavistic world dominion; the Federal Republic arose amid a legacy of global resentment.

The newly elected German Parliament chose Adenauer as chancellor by a margin of just one vote on Sept. 15, 1949. Shortly afterward, on Nov. 22, 1949, he signed the Petersberg Agreement with the three Allied high commissioners, conferring the attributes of sovereignty on the Federal Republic but withholding its premise of juridical equality. The center of its mining activity, the Ruhr, remained under special Allied control, as did the industrial Saar region along the French border. Adenauer’s acquiescence to these terms earned him the sobriquet from his opposition “Chancellor of the Allies.”

In his first formal encounter with the three high commissioners, on Sept. 21, 1949, Adenauer demonstrated that he would accept discrimination but not subordination. The high commissioners had assembled on a carpet; to its side, a place for Adenauer had been designated. The chancellor challenged protocol by stepping directly onto the carpet facing his hosts.

From this posture, Adenauer heralded a historic turning point. The new Federal Republic would seek, in his words, “full freedom” by earning a place in the community of nations, not by pressure or by seizing it. Calling for an entirely new conception of foreign policy, Adenauer proclaimed the goal of “a positive and viable European federation” to overcome “the narrow nationalistic conception of the states as it prevailed in the 19th and 20th century . . . in order to restore the unity of European life in all fields of endeavor.”

Adenauer’s conduct reinforced his rejection of European history. Tall, erect, imperturbable, his face immobile from an automobile accident in his youth, he exuded the serenity of the pre-World War I world that had formed him. Equally distinctive was his sparse speaking style. It conveyed that unobtrusiveness and performance, not exhortation or imposition, were to be the operating style for the new Germany.

Winston Churchill had made a comparable proposal for Europe two days before in Zurich, but Churchill was not in office then. Governing amid defeat and division, Adenauer had proposed an indefinite (possibly permanent) partition of his country while integrating it into a nascent European structure. The country whose nationalism had precipitated two world wars would henceforth rely on partnership with its erstwhile enemies.

The turn westward proved fundamental. The choice of Bonn as the new capital, located in the westernmost part of Germany, with close links to Western Europe, was symbolic. Adenauer convinced the Parliament to select Bonn because, as he said sardonically, he wanted the capital to be in the wine region, not amid potato fields, and not least because his home village of Rhöndorf (population of about 1,000) was not suitable for a capital.

It required all of Adenauer’s personality and stature to implement these visions. Opposition came largely from the Social Democratic Party, which, while pro-democracy, insisted on a national policy of neutrality. The opposition included vestiges of German conservatives, one of whose spokesmen was Heinrich Brüning, the chancellor whose overthrow in 1932 had opened the way for Hitler.

Adenauer proved adamant. He made democratic regeneration his first priority as the precondition to integration into Europe. A renewed reputation for reliability was essential. Maneuvering between the superpowers would destroy confidence and repeat historical tragedies.

Adenauer’s foreign policy was founded on the moral imperative of democracy. He envisaged a relentless progression toward the twin goals of a security partnership with America and political integration with Europe.

The Petersberg Agreement of 1949 was followed by negotiations over European defense, spurred by the Korean War and the Soviet military buildup in Central Europe. As NATO was forming, Adenauer urged the European nations to pool their efforts into the European Defense Community. After the French Assembly rejected this concept, Adenauer in 1954 agreed to the Paris Accords, which ended West Germany’s occupation, affirmed its sovereignty, and opened the way to its national membership in NATO. The culmination was Adenauer’s 1955 visit to Washington. When the German national anthem was played as he visited the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, Adenauer described it as the most moving moment of his life.

European integration followed a comparable, in retrospect inevitable, sequence. From France and Germany’s 1951 agreement to establish the Coal and Steel Community to the Treaty of Rome in 1957, which established the European Economic Community, Adenauer, working with wise French leaders, overcame one of world history’s once-hereditary national animosities.

Within the space of six years, Adenauer had moved his country from an outcast to an equal member in political and security arrangements unprecedented in European history. This was made possible by a spirit of American creativity which, in the Marshall Plan and the origination of NATO, overcame America’s pre-World War II isolationism.

The U.S. became Germany’s principal link to security through NATO, and to economic recovery through the Marshall Plan. France, as the link to the European Community, played a comparable role. In America, John Foster Dulles symbolized the relationship; in France, President Charles de Gaulle. They both represented to Adenauer elements capable of stabilizing the inevitable storms the future might hold. In that sense, Adenauer viewed Europe as a potential corrective to the fluctuations into which global responsibilities and a certain inherent restlessness on occasion drew the U.S. When, in 1956, Guy Mollet, France’s prime minister, stressed a gap between the obligations of NATO and American conduct in the Suez Crisis, Adenauer defended the existing structures as flexible enough to recover shared vitality: “Europe will be your revenge,” he said.

I had the privilege of hearing Adenauer’s vision in several conversations with him over a 10-year period. His courtesy and serenity were his most memorable traits. Our first meeting took place in 1957, shortly after a Soviet ultimatum threatening Berlin. Adenauer concentrated on the nightmare of everyone privy to nuclear planning: whether any U.S. president would actually bring himself to unleash the catastrophe on which NATO nuclear strategy was based. Since the official answer was formal but the actual one would depend on unknowable contingencies and personalities, he raised the question at every subsequent meeting.

Another major issue preoccupying Adenauer was geopolitical evolution. Did I realize that a break between China and Russia was imminent? The West should prepare for that contingency and not provide too many temptations to its adversaries by its divisions. He construed surprised silence as assent and, on his first visit to the White House in 1961, repeated the prediction, adding, to an astonished President Kennedy: “Professor Kissinger agrees with me.”

In 1962, as part-time consultant to President Kennedy, I was asked during a crisis to reassure Adenauer about America’s determination and capacity to defend Berlin and support Germany. I had been briefed to present details of some nuclear capabilities and deployments on a personal, presidential basis—information which, at that time, was shared with only the U.K.

As I began my presentation of the political issues, Adenauer interrupted: “They have already told me this in Washington. If it did not convince me there, why would it convince me here?” I replied that I was an academic, and a government employee only a quarter of my time. Adenauer was nonplussed. In that case, he replied: Let us assume you will convince me three-quarters of the way.

But when I presented the military briefing, Adenauer was transformed—partly because of the enormous gap in the West’s favor that it demonstrated, but above all because of the confidence President Kennedy had shown in him. It turned into the warmest of all my meetings with him.

A moving aftermath followed some decades later. I received a letter whose sender I did not recognize. He had served as an interpreter during that conversation (though German is my native language, I generally conduct official conversations in English because my vocabulary is more precise, especially on technical matters). Adenauer had given me his word of honor not to distribute the nuclear information I had shared with him. The interpreter informed me that he had, in fact, given a full record of my briefing to Adenauer, who had instructed him to destroy the nuclear portion out of respect for his word of honor.

The historic German-American partnership that began with the Adenauer chancellorship proceeded from almost diametrically opposed starting points. Adenauer assumed office at probably the lowest point of German history. The U.S. was at the zenith of its power and self-confidence. Adenauer saw his task as rebuilding Christian and democratic values through new designs for traditional German and European institutions. America had equally grand objectives and, at times, pursued them with insistent certainty. For Adenauer, the reconstruction of Europe was the rediscovery of ancient values; for America, the implementation of prevailing ones. For Adenauer to succeed, it was necessary to stabilize the soul of Germany; for America, to mobilize existing idealism. Occasionally there were strains, especially when American optimism overestimated the scope for more-fragile structures and divergent historic memories.

The Atlantic relationship between Bonn and Washington transformed, however, the shattered world it inherited and helped create a half-century of peace between major powers.

This system is now under stress from simultaneous upheavals on several continents. Can it heal a fractured world by rediscovering the conviction and creativity with which it was built?

Mr. Kissinger served as national security adviser and secretary of state under Presidents Nixon and Ford. This is adapted from an April 25 speech to the Konrad Adenauer Foundation.

Appeared in the Apr. 29, 2017, print edition.
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