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Author Topic: American History  (Read 93022 times)
Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #200 on: October 11, 2015, 12:22:39 PM »

http://www.thefederalistpapers.org/us/obama-claims-islam-part-of-founding-heres-what-our-founders-wrote-about-mussellmen
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #201 on: November 07, 2015, 10:40:23 AM »

https://www.facebook.com/Powerfulblackstories/videos/1013416422035593/
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ccp
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« Reply #202 on: February 13, 2016, 04:11:03 PM »

http://www.amazon.com/DONT-TREAD-Photographs-Revolutionaries-ebook/dp/B00762RALM
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ccp
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« Reply #203 on: February 15, 2016, 03:18:47 PM »

http://www.wnd.com/2010/11/222637/
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #204 on: March 19, 2016, 02:58:38 PM »

http://www.dickmorris.com/how-america-averted-a-coup-detat-dick-morris-tv-history-video/?utm_source=dmreports&utm_medium=dmreports&utm_campaign=dmreports
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #205 on: March 19, 2016, 03:05:55 PM »

second post

Hat tip to BBG who posted this in the Privacy thread.  I paste it here as well:

http://reason.com/archives/2016/03/19/the-man-j-edgar-hoover-blamed
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ccp
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« Reply #206 on: March 21, 2016, 08:09:44 AM »

From Wikipedia

Anne Oakley shooting glass balls thrown into the air:

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Annie_Oakley_shooting_glass_balls,_1894.ogg
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #207 on: June 06, 2016, 09:18:03 AM »

http://nypost.com/2016/06/04/how-ayatollah-khomeini-suckered-jimmy-carter/

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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #208 on: July 14, 2016, 12:25:22 AM »

http://teaching.msa.maryland.gov/000001/000000/000017/html/t17.html
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DDF
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« Reply #209 on: November 11, 2016, 03:33:06 PM »

Reposted here from Corruption, Skullduggery and Treason at the behest of GC

Nepotism in American politics.

Families that have last names starting with the letter "A," represent 89 families with 275 people having served in politics, for almost 3 centuries.

When one removes the state distinction and inter-marital relationships, and differences in spelling that have occurred over the years, the number of families drops to 50, and dates back to 1717 AD on the American continent.

Surnames starting with the letter "B," account for 201 distinct surnames, with their members of there families, offering up 801 public servants, not counting the Breckenridge, Butler-Belmont, or Bush families, which are so large, that they have their own listings, dating back to 1686.

In the case of the Breckenridges, accounting for another 59 politicians throughout the centuries
the Butler-Belmont family dating back to 1759, with 17 members of their family serving throughout the years (not including the other Belmont family members already accounted for)

Bush family, which actually includes two family lines, Bush, and Bush-Davis-Walker, dating back to 1676, with 56 members of their family serving public office and as president twice.

The total number of people from the 201 families with surnames starting with "B" that have been politicians is at least 933 politicians.

Surnames with the letter "C," are represented 218 times or less.

Focusing on the Clintons, of whom, both Bill and Hillary have lineage tracing back to the original 13 colonies, and just between Bill, Hillary and Hillary's brother, have included one president, FOUR presidential candidacies, secretary of state, senator, attorney general, and failed senate and congressional candidacies as well.

If we include marital relationships of Bill, Hillary's brother, and Chelsea, it will include ties to Senator Barbara Boxer, Congressmen James A. Lockhart and US Representatives Edward Mezvinsky and Marjorie Margolies-Mezvinsky.


Since the number of surnames in the United States is accumulative, accounting for everyone that has ever come to the country, and numbering at least 150,000 - 1,350,000 means that a fraction of the families in the US are ever included, and that those who are, overly so.


Leaving the Wikipedia list for a moment, others too, have made the same observation as noted here:

"My infatuation with political dynasties began in Frankfurt, Germany, in 1957, when, as a bored private in a peacetime army, I wandered into a library and discovered the "Biographical Directory of the United States Congress." Who were these Bayards, Muhlenbergs and Frelinghuysens, I wondered, with five or six names apiece in the directory? I counted 700 families in which two or more members had served in Congress. I eventually explored these questions in a book, "America's Political Dynasties," published more than four decades ago." http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/09/11/AR2009091101831.html

When one contemplates the numbers of households/families, in 2015 numbering 124,590,000, https://www.statista.com/statistics/183635/number-of-households-in-the-us/, distinct surnames numbering between 150,000 to 1,350,000 (the date is still being counted and will be released in 2020), and the American population numbering 318,900,000, the fact that it is even possible to discuss dynasties existing in American politics should render the possibility of it occurring, out of reach, but it isn't. It happens frequently, which is concerning, when the amount of corruption perceived to exist happens, and given the roots of the United States having fought and defeated a monarchy in the name of freedom; yet, clearly, nepotism exists, and exists to a point, that given the references above, is too large to number, which even includes people such as discredited Sheriff Lee Baca, who has three relatives who have served public office, one of whom has served as senator, and Lee Baca isn't even included on the list I counted, when it i still a public office.

Some interesting notes:

The Kennedys:

1.) Arrived to the United States in 1849 from Ireland. Have had 12 members of their immediate bloodline serve public office since arriving.

2.) Two of them married men who would serve as governor, and another married to the mayor of Boston.

3.) Sargent Shriver, who never served, was the Democratic VP Nominee in 1972

4.) The first Kennedy took office in 1884, 35 years after their arrival, meaning that in 132 years, 17 people from their line, have either run, held, or been married to people holding public office.

http://www.businessinsider.com/the-kennedy-political-dynasty-family-tree-infographic-2012-1



John Kerry :

1.) Distant blood relative to the Bush family.

2.) A member of the Forbes family.

3.) Husband to Teresa Heinz, who's family also includes prominent politicians and wealth.

4.) Direct family lineage includes at least one chief justice and a senator.

5.) Kerry himself served as senator for almost 30 years, before becoming Secretary of State, and has served as Lt. governor and congressman since 1972 (almost 45 years).


I've been reading this all day, and it's starting to sound like a skull and bones party before even the beginning of the States, and also having cross referenced this with lists from Forbes wealthiest... smh


"In 1848, for example, more than 16 percent of congressional seats were filled by someone whose relative had previously held the position [source: Kieley]. Moreover, a 2006 study found that Congress members who serve more than one term have a 40 percent chance of someone in their family later ending up in Congress [source: Alexander]. "

http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/politics/2010-08-03-1Adynasties03_CV_N.htm

http://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-politics-dynasties-idUSN0332238720070304
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #210 on: December 22, 2016, 02:00:52 PM »

It's freakin' American poetry by a man who read Shakespeare and spoke like a frontiersman.

While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came. 2

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces, but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offenses; for it must needs be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether." 3
With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.
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Stephen W. Browne The first inaugural address is Machiavellian in its reasoning. It simultaneously attempts to reassure - and warn the South of the consequences of breaking the Union. A comparison between the two would seem to indicate a strong cynicism in Lincoln, but I think there's something more.

Lincoln is our "Second Founder" in Francis Bacon's term. A man who after the Founders completed the shaping of America. An ambiguous blessing to be sure. He ended an odious violation of human rights, and created dangerous precedents doing so.
Tough shit. Life is like that.

Like • Reply • 13 hrs
 
Stephen W. Browne BTW for more about Founders, Second Founders, and the Progressives who envy the Founders, see:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nqk7_e5Pv4c
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #211 on: January 08, 2017, 05:26:51 PM »

http://www.newcriterion.com/articles.cfm/The-many-lives-of-Frederick-Douglass-4883?utm_source=The+New+Criterion+Subscribers&utm_campaign=bde1ab7ffd-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2017&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_f42f7adca5-bde1ab7ffd-104774881
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #212 on: February 26, 2017, 08:57:39 AM »

The Untold Story of the Vengeful Japanese Attack After the Doolittle Raid
When the U.S. responded to Pearl Harbor with a surprise bombing of Tokyo, the Imperial Army took out its fury on the Chinese people

image: http://thumbs.media.smithsonianmag.com//filer/44/96/4496ecfa-b30c-4a81-a78d-b00f319a49da/planes.jpg__800x600_q85_crop.jpg
Planes Preparing
The flight deck of the U.S. aircraft carrier Hornet, some 800 miles off Tokyo Japan, where it shows some of 16 Billy Mitchell (B-25) Bombers, under the command of Major Jimmy Doolittle, just before they were guided off flight deck for historic raid on Tokyo, April of 1942. (Bettmann/Corbis)
By James M. Scott
smithsonian.com
April 15, 2015


At midday on April 18, 1942, 16 U.S. Army bombers, under the command of daredevil pilot Lt. Col. Jimmy Doolittle, thundered into the skies over Tokyo and other key Japanese industrial cities in a surprise raid designed to avenge the attack on Pearl Harbor. For the 80 volunteer raiders, who lifted off that morning from the carrier Hornet, the mission was one-way. After attacking Japan, most of the aircrews flew on to Free China, where low on fuel, the men either bailed out or crash-landed along the coast and were rescued by local villagers, guerrillas and missionaries.

That generosity shown by the Chinese would trigger a horrific retaliation by the Japanese that claimed an estimated quarter-million lives and would prompt comparisons to the 1937-38 Rape of Nanking. American military authorities, cognizant that a raid on Tokyo would result in a vicious counterattack upon free China, saw the mission through regardless, even keeping the operation a secret from their Pacific theater allies. This chapter of the Doolittle Raid has largely gone unreported—until now.

Long-forgotten missionary records discovered in the archives of DePaul University for the first time shed important new light on the extent to which the Chinese suffered in the aftermath of the Doolittle raid.

In the moments after the attack on Tokyo, Japanese leaders fumed over the raid, which had revealed China’s coastal provinces as a dangerous blind spot in the defense of the homeland. American aircraft carriers not only could launch surprise attacks from the seas and land safely in China but could possibly even fly bombers directly from Chinese airfields to attack Japan. The Japanese military ordered an immediate campaign against strategically important airfields, issuing an operational plan in late April, just days after the Doolittle raid.

Survivor accounts point to an ulterior objective: to punish the Chinese allies of the United States forces, especially those towns where the American aviators had bailed out after the raid. At the time, Japanese forces occupied Manchuria as well as key coastal ports, railways and industrial and commercial centers in China.

image: http://thumbs.media.smithsonianmag.com//embedly/Unknown-7.jpeg.300x0_q85_upscale.jpg
Preview thumbnail for video 'Target Tokyo: Jimmy Doolittle and the Raid That Avenged Pearl Harbor
Target Tokyo: Jimmy Doolittle and the Raid That Avenged Pearl Harbor

The dramatic account of one of America’s most celebrated— and controversial—military campaigns: the Doolittle Raid.



Read more: http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/untold-story-vengeful-japanese-attack-doolittle-raid-180955001/
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #213 on: February 26, 2017, 10:51:15 AM »

By Edward Rothstein
Hyde Park and Queens, N.Y.

How did it happen that 75 years ago this week the decision was made to send about 120,000 people of Japanese ancestry who lived along the West Coast to internment camps deep in the nation’s heartland? How did it happen that—as we see in the photographs in a fine new exhibition at the FDR Presidential Library & Museum in Hyde Park, “Images of Internment: The Incarceration of Japanese Americans During World War II”—they were forced to board up their stores, evacuate their homes, abandon agricultural work and line up in streets with only the possessions they could carry? And that they ultimately were conducted to 10 ”War Relocation Centers”—most formed of tar-paper covered barracks in vast forbidding landscapes—where they lived in cramped quarters until the end of the war?

Images of Internment: The Incarceration of Japanese Americans During World War II
FDR Presidential Library & Museum
Through Dec. 31
Self-Interned, 1942: Noguchi in Poston War Relocation Center
The Noguchi Museum
Through Jan. 7, 2018

In more than 200 images from five photographers, including Dorothea Lange and Ansel Adams, we see how they hobbled together communities in these far-flung camps, establishing schools and newspapers and sports teams—while piecing together their upended lives. It was only in 1988 that an official apology was offered by President Reagan to those interned, with $20,000 in restitution paid to each surviving person.
 
But why did it happen? As the exhibition tells us, in the months after Pearl Harbor, there were “deep anxieties” about Japanese “naval assaults, bombing raids, or invasion.” A “climate of fear” combined with “racial prejudice.”

That is what led to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt signing Executive Order 9066 on Feb. 19, 1942, allowing the designation of militarily sensitive areas within which “any or all persons may be excluded.” Here the area was along the West Coast—home to aircraft and shipbuilding facilities, and a possible wartime front. The persons excluded were those with Japanese ancestry—some two thirds were American citizens.

The injustice was compounded because, as the exhibition states and historians widely believe, “no serious evidence” exists that made the population a threat. This exhibition and others have focused, then, on making the scale of the injustice palpable. In the case of a show at the Noguchi Museum in Queens—“Self-Interned, 1942: Noguchi in Poston War Relocation Center”—we are also asked to see the aesthetic consequences. The sculptor Isamu Noguchi (1904-1988), whose father was Japanese, volunteered to enter the Poston War Relocation Center in Arizona. He arrived in May 1942, wanting to teach and improve conditions. But frustrated both by the camp administration and by those interned, he soon sought to leave. The episode, though, had aroused suspicions. His release was held up for months, until November 1942. He wasn’t even allowed out to see an exhibition of his work in San Francisco that July.
 
In a roughly chronological display of his work during this period, you see the transformation that the curator Dakin Hart outlines. We move from early sculpted portraiture to Poston-inspired works like “This Tortured Earth” (1942-43) and “Yellow Landscape” (1943), which include organic forms that are distended and punctured. Then comes another transformation evident in a sampling of later work: weighty polished abstractions, with elements suggesting portals and doors.

But we also get some unusual historical insight from documents on display. In a letter of Jan. 21, 1942—after Pearl Harbor but before the internments—Noguchi alludes to Isei (the immigrants themselves—the first generation—who were not generally citizens) as “potentially” being “the most dangerous,” with a “large subversive element among them” that must be counteracted by encouraging “loyalty to America.” In a post-Poston, February 1943 essay in the New Republic, “Trouble Among Japanese Americans,” Noguchi notes “that about 50 percent of non-citizens” in the camps “are now at least passively loyal to America.”

Noguchi’s allusions to pro-Axis sympathies are startling because they jar against today’s tendency to see internment as a morality play in which the wholly innocent are wholly wronged. But while the existence of racism and hysteria is beyond question, wariness was not as completely irrational as is widely assumed. And that played a role in the injustices to follow. Certainly, the act of internment itself was not unique. Britain interned Jewish refugees from Germany as enemy aliens; Japanese Canadians were interned for longer than their American counterparts and lost all property rights. The U.S. Enemy Alien Control Program constricted the lives of hundreds of thousands of Italian and German residents who were considered “enemy aliens.”
 
 
 
 
'Evacuees' arrive under guard at the Santa Anita Assembly Center, April 5, 1942. A child sits amid family baggage while waiting for the bus to a government 'assembly center,' spring 1942. The Japanese American owner of this Oakland, Calif., grocery placed this sign on his storefront on December 8, 1941. Photo taken by Dorothea Lange, March 13, 1942. Risa and Yasubei Hirano pose with son, George, and a framed photograph of their son, Shigera. The Hirano family lived in Watsonville, California before being incarcerated at the Colorado River Relocation Center in Poston, Arizona. Shigera Hirano served in the U.S. Army in the 442nd Regimental Combat Team while his family was confined.PHOTOS: CLEM ALBERS/NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS

ADMINISTRATION(2); DOROTHEA LANGE/NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION; NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION
There were also good reasons for West Coast wariness. In the 1930s, Japanese-language schools in California regularly taught loyalty to the emperor. In Hawaii, a Japanese couple tried to help a downed Japanese pilot escape just after the Pearl Harbor attack. Japanese submarines patrolled the West Coast; one shelled an oil field near Santa Barbara, Calif., on Feb. 23, 1942. And decoded intercepts of Japanese cables suggested the presence of Japanese agents; one dispatch sent before Pearl Harbor referred to contacts made with “absolutely reliable Japanese in the San Pedro and San Diego area.”

This helps explain, but, of course, it does not excuse. How, though, can we get a sense of the era’s history without such information? And how can future situations be understood if the portrayal of this one is so limited? There is no need to insist that the internees were all innocent, the fear all irrational, and the racism all encompassing. Seventy five years later, we ought to be able to deal with the shameful yet comprehensible complexities of the truth.

—Mr. Rothstein is the Journal’s Critic at Large.
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ccp
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« Reply #214 on: April 09, 2017, 10:34:24 AM »

I am old enough to remember the 100 th anniversary of the end (if not the beginning) of the American Civil War (April 1965).  If I am not mistaken that was the year the last known Civil War soldier died too.

I lived long enough to now witness the 100 th anniversary of the beginning of our involvement in WW1:

http://www.nationalreview.com/article/446570/great-war-wwi-documentary-tells-america-story
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G M
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« Reply #215 on: April 09, 2017, 10:59:13 AM »

I am old enough to remember the 100 th anniversary of the end (if not the beginning) of the American Civil War (April 1965).  If I am not mistaken that was the year the last known Civil War soldier died too.

I lived long enough to now witness the 100 th anniversary of the beginning of our involvement in WW1:

http://www.nationalreview.com/article/446570/great-war-wwi-documentary-tells-america-story

The way things are headed, you'll be around for WWIII and/or the 2nd Civil War.

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DDF
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« Reply #216 on: April 10, 2017, 11:05:50 AM »

About time. Wars have a way of sorting things out.
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ccp
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« Reply #217 on: April 16, 2017, 12:10:07 PM »

http://www.newsmax.com/Newsfront/last-jimmy-doolittle-raider/2017/04/16/id/784638/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Doolittle_Raid#/media/File:Dolittle_Raider,_Plane_1.jpg
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DougMacG
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« Reply #218 on: June 06, 2017, 02:11:17 PM »

https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1960/11/first-wave-at-omaha-beach/303365/
http://www.powerlineblog.com/archives/2017/06/ordeal-of-omaha-beach.php
the passing of the years and the retelling of the story have softened the horror of Omaha Beach on D Day.
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G M
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« Reply #219 on: June 06, 2017, 02:17:54 PM »

https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1960/11/first-wave-at-omaha-beach/303365/
http://www.powerlineblog.com/archives/2017/06/ordeal-of-omaha-beach.php
the passing of the years and the retelling of the story have softened the horror of Omaha Beach on D Day.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h5p5j_K0CsY


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ccp
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« Reply #220 on: June 06, 2017, 04:27:04 PM »

I have uncle still alive who was in D day.  Was on only vessel that was sunk .  He was in the engineers.  Not first wave.
Was not in the action but did watch it from a distance.

He is a Trump fan I am told.  America first.
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Crafty_Dog
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« Reply #221 on: July 22, 2017, 07:52:40 PM »

http://www.dickmorris.com/patrick-henry-forced-james-madison-pass-bill-rights-history-video/?utm_source=dmreports&utm_medium=dmreports&utm_campaign=dmreports
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DougMacG
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« Reply #222 on: August 24, 2017, 08:13:09 AM »

Correcting revisionist history, only Reagan biographer Steve Hayward could differentiate Reagan from FDR so persuasively incorporating all of this in a short essay.  Trump, Reagan, John F Kennedy, Karl Marx, FDR, Coolidge, Eisenhower, Clinton, Obama, Romney, Truman, Taft, Churchill, New Deal, LBJ, Great Society, Goldwater, Nixon, Greenspan, constitutional originalism, fascism, capitalism, moral hazard, governing philosophies, rhetorical choices and discipline, working class voters, The Forgotten Man, conservatism, libertarianism, Keynesianism, centralized regulation, social insurance, limiting principles of liberalism and more - all seamlessly woven together.

http://www.claremont.org/crb/basicpage/will-the-real-ronald-reagan-please-stand-up/

Will the Real Ronald Reagan Please Stand Up?
By: Steven F. Hayward
August 17, 2017

Henry Olsen’s revisionist thesis in The Working-Class Republican is that Ronald Reagan’s political career was devoted to perpetuating rather than repudiating Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal. “The man many label as the twentieth century’s most conservative president,” Olsen contends, “was more than a casual backer of FDR.”

Working-Class Republican should be understood in the context of Olsen’s warnings, repeated frequently over the past decade, that Republicans were failing utterly to offer a compelling message or policy agenda for “Reagan Democrats,” the white working-class voters crucial to the landslide victories of 1980 and ’84. Instead, Olsen warns, the GOP has focused on the investor class and entrepreneurs. Whatever the abstract merits of that approach, it overlooks the simple fact that most voters are not entrepreneurs, but employees, averse to risk-taking. And the optics are as bad as the policies. When challenging Mitt Romney for the Republican presidential nomination, Mike Huckabee said pointedly, “I want to be a president who reminds you of the guy you work with, not the guy who laid you off.”

By degrees, Olsen figured out that the interpreting Reagan was like viewing an Impressionist painting: only by stepping back could we see the picture correctly. Virtually all Republicans today represent themselves as Reaganites, but what if they are looking only at narrow brushstrokes?

Olsen’s is the latest revisionist account of Reagan, and by far the boldest. Gene Kopelson has argued that Dwight Eisenhower was Reagan’s most decisive influence and model, Irving Kristol that he was the first neoconservative, and such liberal writers as Richard Reeves and John Patrick Diggins that he really was a pragmatic moderate after all. Has Olsen unearthed the Reagan Rosetta stone?

Olsen has more to worry about from those who endorse his thesis than from those who reject it. Recent liberal fans will use Reagan’s supposed “pragmatism” to attack Republicans for moving far to the right. Reagan could not win the GOP nomination if he was a candidate today, they claim. In 2009, an audacious Jonathan Rauch National Journal article argued that because Reagan compromised with the opposition, agreed to some tax increases (but never the ones the liberals wanted) and fell short of some of his declared goals (such as a balanced budget), he was not a Reaganite. Jacob Heilbrunn, writing in the Los Angeles Times, also concluded that Reagan’s greatness “rested precisely in his readiness to abandon his conservative principles.” This transparently insincere charge, embraced by people never fond of Reagan or conservative principles, has managed to gain plausibility through sheer repetition in liberal media echo chambers. This faction will treat Working-Class Republican as a vindication.

Orthodox conservatives, on the other hand, think Reagan represented a direct lineage to Barry Goldwater and the self-conscious conservative “movement” that began to take shape in the 1950s, the time when Reagan was changing his political views. The apotheosis of this Reagan is his remark in an interview with Reason magazine in 1975: “I believe that the very heart and soul of conservatism is libertarianism.” Olsen uses Reagan’s own deeds and words, even from that same Reason interview, to make clear that Reaganism cannot be reduced to libertarianism. Olsen is right to direct our attention to Reagan’s departures from a schematic conservative or libertarian orthodoxy, both in rhetoric and policy choices. Due to his dazzling success, conservatives have come to treat Reagan as the embodiment of their cause, as well as the model for aspiring Republican politicians, thereby distracting us from the idiosyncratic conservatism that was the product of an utterly unique mind. The question of authentic Reaganism goes beyond historical interest or ideological nostalgia, since it bears on the deep confusion conservatives and the Republican Party feel in the aftermath of Donald Trump’s nomination and election. This question is at the heart of Working-Class Republican.

Olsen is not the first to emphasize the continuity between FDR and Reagan. Richard Neustadt, a leading presidential scholar for decades at Harvard, called Reagan “a New Deal Republican” very early in Reagan’s presidency. And then there’s a significant comment Reagan made in his diary in January 1982, when he was under attack for his proposed budget cuts: “The press is dying to paint me as now trying to undo the New Deal. I remind them I voted for FDR 4 times. I’m trying to undo the ‘Great Society.’ It was LBJ’s war on poverty that led to our present mess.”

This statement is true if deduced from most of Reagan’s actions as governor and president. With only two partial exceptions, he did not attempt to alter New Deal-era social insurance programs in any significant way. First, Reagan made a half-hearted, half-baked attempt to scale back Social Security in 1981, and then expressed disappointment in his diary that the Greenspan Commission he appointed to extricate him from this political mistake did not propose bolder reforms. Second, in 1985 Reagan’s budget proposal unsuccessfully attempted a serious cutback of New Deal-era farm subsidies. By contrast, he rebuffed a 1986 GOP effort on Capitol Hill to curtail Social Security and Medicare.

Reagan was fond of saying, publicly, that “we launched a war on poverty, and poverty won.” Nonetheless, the oft-cited diary entry about the New Deal and Great Society doesn’t quite parse. Reagan was giving speeches against overweening government, and worrying about the implicit socialism of Democratic liberalism, well before the Great Society was launched in the early 1960s. He wrote to Richard Nixon in 1960 about John F. Kennedy: “Under that tousled boyish haircut is still old Karl Marx—first launched a century ago.” Was Reagan somehow clairvoyant, anticipating what liberalism would become under the Great Society?

Sorting out Olsen’s argument requires, first, asking whether it’s too broad ... or too narrow. Reagan himself said that FDR was his model for how to conduct the presidency, especially in its public dimensions. Reagan praised FDR’s fireside chats. Entirely novel when FDR started them, Reagan emulated their style and conversational format, especially FDR’s confidence-inducing disposition. Though Reagan’s admiration for FDR may have been more a matter of style than substance, the style of presidential leadership should not be deprecated. As Winston Churchill said, “Meeting Roosevelt was like taking your first sip of champagne.” (I’ve often wondered how much the end of Prohibition was an unquantifiable boost to FDR’s presidency.) Nevertheless, the contrast with Roosevelt’s Democratic successors today is obvious; Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders are more like a gulp of castor oil.

Olsen would not disagree, but his case rests on substance over style. Reagan’s long-time economic adviser Martin Anderson once told me that despite Reagan’s general kind words for FDR and the New Deal, he could not recall Reagan ever endorsing a specific New Deal policy, though Olsen’s account provides a different answer to this question. But if anyone wants to see Reagan as the heir of the New Deal, he has to get past one of Reagan’s most famous critiques of it—his 1976 remark that “Fascism was really the basis for the New Deal.” Democrats lustily seized upon this remark to make trouble for Reagan in 1980, and the media obliged by hounding Reagan about it in “news analysis” articles. Rather than backpedal, Reagan, to his campaign managers’ consternation, stoutly defended his comments. In August 1980 Reagan told dumbfounded reporters: “Anyone who wants to look at the writings of the Brain Trust of the New Deal will find that President Roosevelt’s advisers admired the fascist system. . .  They thought that private ownership with government management and control a la the Italian system was the way to go, and that has been evident in all their writings.” This was, Reagan added, “long before fascism became a dirty word in the lexicon of the liberals.”

If Reagan’s guiding purpose really was the continuation and elaboration of the New Deal, we should first clarify the New Deal’s meaning. For one thing, if Olsen is right, his larger argument goes beyond Reagan and makes us confront more directly how the Democratic Party has abandoned the New Deal, even if it defends its programs from any reform today. Reagan liked to say, from his earliest days in politics, that “I didn’t leave my party—my party left me.” This has been dismissed as mere rhetoric, but Olsen’s analysis makes us take it more seriously, since it explains why many Trump voters abandoned the Democratic Party in the belief that it has abandoned the New Deal.

And it suggests there is a breathtaking opportunity for conservatives, if only they would realize it. If today’s liberals are going to give up on liberalism, why not steal FDR away from them—returning the Democrats’ favor. In the 1930s, for example, FDR said, “I think it is time for us Democrats to claim Lincoln as one of our own.” In one of his last speeches as president in October 1988, Reagan put it this way:

The party of F.D.R. and Harry Truman couldn’t be killed. The party that represents people like you and me, that represents the majority of Americans—this party hasn’t disappeared. The fact is we’re stronger than ever. You see, the secret is that when the Left took over the Democratic Party, we took over the Republican Party. We made the Republican Party into the party of working people; the family; the neighborhood; the defense of freedom; and, yes, the American flag and the Pledge of Allegiance to “one nation under God.” So, you see, the party that so many of us grew up with still exists, except that today it’s called the Republican Party.
So what was the New Deal? There are some good conservative accounts of it, such as Amity Shlaes’s The Forgotten Man (2007) and New Deal or Raw Deal? (2008) by Burt Folsom. Conrad Black offers the only conservative biography of FDR, finding him a “champion of freedom,” but chiefly on the basis of his World War II role rather than the domestic issues that interest Olsen. Perhaps the best book about the deeper domestic politics of the New Deal from a conservative point of view is one of the oldest, Raymond Moley’s After Seven Years (1939), which told of his disillusionment with the New Deal’s descent into decay and corruption after a good beginning.

At a minimum, the New Deal can be said to comprise four essential attributes: 1) Keynesian counter-cyclical spending (partly in the form of public works); 2) immediate relief from destitution and new long-term social insurance (especially Social Security); 3) more aggressive and centralized regulation of industries in ways that at times verged on direct economic planning (this was the fascistic part—think of the National Industrial Recovery Act); and 4) putting the New Deal’s programmatic machinery to partisan uses, culminating in the perpetual motion machine captured by Harry Hopkins’s famous slogan, “Tax, tax, spend, spend, elect, elect.”

Of these four aspects, Reagan really only matches up well with 2), relief from destitution and support for social insurance. He had no truck with Keynesian spending, and always recoiled at government regulation. But Olsen’s on to something important regarding Reagan’s acceptance of social insurance. In fact, he could have made this main point even stronger. The New Deal emphasized work, even putting people on the government payroll if necessary, but was also willing to provide support for people unable to work, like mothers and the elderly. With the exception of his fondness for punitively high tax rates, Roosevelt was not a redistributionist. Roosevelt’s social insurance outlook implicitly operated according the old distinction, which Reagan occasionally made explicit, between the “deserving poor” and those who had no legitimate claim to public assistance. Olsen rightly points to the example of Governor Reagan’s California welfare reforms, which coupled tighter eligibility standards and a work requirement for able-bodied adults with larger welfare grants for the “truly needy.”

Working-Class Republican dwells on Reagan’s frequent use of the term “social safety net” (Olsen’s emphasis), though the “social” modifier is unnecessary to understand Reagan’s meaning. I once did a word search of presidential statements throughout the 20th century using the phrase “safety net.” Hoover used it twice, and that’s about it. As far as I can tell, FDR never uttered the words. Reagan revived this term, though some recent articles give him credit for originating it. (The “safety net” formulation may trace back to Churchill during his Liberal Party reformist period from 1904-1910.)

The central fact about Reagan’s use of the term is that in the 1980s the Left hated it, because it represented a rebuke to income redistribution, a commitment that had gradually taken hold of the Democratic Party. Recall the National Welfare Rights Organization and the rise of social programs as entitlements in the 1960s. When Reagan opposed Nixon’s guaranteed annual income proposal, the Family Assistance Plan, in 1969 and 1970—the only governor in the country to do so—he said in a TV debate that “I believe that the government is supposed to promote the general welfare; I don’t think it is supposed to provide it.” If welfare was centralized in Washington, Reagan knew, reform would be all but impossible and there would be a bias toward increased spending in the future. “It would only be the first installment,” Reagan observed. “Raising the annual family grant would become an election-year must.” Despite Reagan’s intense and active opposition, the Family Assistance Plan was primarily killed by the Left, because its income transfer was too small. Some smart leftists today recognize this failure to get a foot in the door as their single biggest strategic blunder of the last 50 years.

“If there is one area of social policy,” Reagan began to say in his standard stump speech, “that should be at the most local level of government possible, it is welfare. It should not be nationalized—it should be localized.” Reagan practiced what he preached, and preached what he practiced. While president, it was not unusual for him to send personal checks to citizens who wrote about their their hard times in letters his correspondence unit selected for him to read. In one 1982 speech, Reagan argued that if every church and synagogue in America adopted one poor household it would not only reach everyone in need but would do a much better job providing help than a government bureaucracy. In another 1982 speech to the NAACP (amidst a fierce recession), Reagan argued that the Great Society had done more harm than good for black Americans. Liberals howled with indignation about both of these heresies.

In the 1930s leftists complained that FDR “saved capitalism” and prevented a socialist revolution by his palliatives. It is not a stretch to see him in alignment with Reagan on this point. While FDR oversaw the launch of the federal government’s largest welfare program, Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), he recognized the moral hazard of unqualified relief, remarking about the risk of dependency and perverse results from an undisciplined welfare state. As he told Congress in 1935:

The lessons of history, confirmed by the evidence immediately before me, show conclusively that continued dependence upon relief induces a spiritual and moral disintegration fundamentally destructive to the national fiber. To dole out relief in this way is to administer a narcotic, a subtle destroyer of the human spirit.... It is in violation of the traditions of America.
Reagan quoted this remark a few times during his campaigns in the 1970s (along with FDR’s embrace of a balanced budget in the 1932 campaign), to the annoyance of Ted Kennedy and Arkansas’s young governor Bill Clinton, Democrats who bitterly protested Reagan’s larceny. Reagan put it this way in his memoirs: “Franklin Roosevelt, Jr., often told me that his father had said many times his welfare and relief programs during the Depression were meant only as emergency, stopgap measures to cope with a crisis, not the seeds of what others later tried to turn into a permanent welfare state.” Certainly today the utilization of Food Stamps and disability has grown out of proportion, and have become ersatz general welfare programs, both contributing to the opioid epidemic in ways FDR warned against.

Olsen’s case rests on a careful reading of Reagan’s speeches and articles, noting subtleties and distinctions that escape many readers. In the 1960s Reagan never attacked the Great Society without offering his sharply contrasting positive alternative: the Creative Society, based on self-governing citizens’ initiative, wherein “government will lead but not rule, listen but not lecture.” As his put in in his first inaugural address in 1981, government exists to “work with us, not over us; to stand by our side, not ride our back.” Now and then Reagan’s heirs have attempted to emulate this practice. One thinks of Newt Gingrich’s “Opportunity Society” in the 1980s and Paul Ryan’s “Ownership Society” more recently. But neither is as capacious as Reagan’s outlook, nor were they sustained rhetorically. (Reagan was a big believer in repetition, something that Donald Trump almost alone seems to understand instinctively.) The biggest defect of liberalism in the post-New Deal era is that it has no limiting principle. There is no social problem for which there isn’t a new or expanded government program, and for which money isn’t the core of the solution. Reagan understood the need for limits and discipline, cautioning in 1967: “The time has come for us to decide whether collectively we can afford everything and anything simply because we think of it.”

Equally significant is how, as Olsen notes, Reagan rarely used the term “conservative” in his general public speeches, or even “Republican.” He restricted his use of these terms to select audiences, like party gatherings or Conservative Political Action Conferences. His famous “Time for Choosing” speech is the model for his unique and effective rhetorical practice. Olsen is correct to distinguish the conservatism of Reagan’s “Time for Choosing,” more personal and narrative in form, from Goldwater’s abstract anti-New Dealism. While a deeply conservative speech in most ways, Reagan declaimed that it was neither partisan nor ideological, but a matter of plain common sense.

While this distinction might not survive close logical analysis, as a matter of practical political rhetoric Reagan was undoubtedly correct. One can see the parallel in Barack Obama’s “no red America, no blue America” theme in his famous 2004 keynote speech. It explains Reagan’s enduring appeal to millions of non-ideological voters who have no difficulty supporting the general principle of government assistance for struggling citizens, but oppose the abuses of government programs that most liberals deny or dismiss. (One of the few liberals who took the problem seriously was Bill Clinton, who ran on “ending welfare as we know it” in 1992. He understood that working-class voters resented an out-of-control welfare state, and in 1996 acceded to the Reaganite welfare reform plan devised by congressional Republicans.)

Reagan would never have used “makers and takers,” the phrase that caught conservatives’ fancy for a time under Obama. Recall how Mitt Romney’s infamous remark about the “47 percent”—another comment Reagan would never have made—crippled his campaign. The lesson here is that conservatives like Ted Cruz who boast of being “Reagan conservatives” on the stump are talking in a way that Reagan himself never did. No one can imagine Reagan calling himself a “Coolidge conservative.”

Beyond the programmatic considerations Olsen explores, there is more to be said about FDR’s overall political philosophy. Doing so is tricky, in part because a consistent Roosevelt hard to find, and Reagan was nothing if not consistent for most of his political life. Nearly every historian likes to focus on FDR’s changes of course and improvisations, as exemplified in his endorsement of “bold, persistent experimentation.” Shlaes concludes, on this basis, that FDR was “intellectually unstable.”

But it is possible to make out a serious core to FDR’s thought, especially in his 1932 Commonwealth Club Address. There, Roosevelt partly repudiated Woodrow Wilson’s Progressivism (especially its rejection of individualism and the American Founding), while embracing the defective political economy of Progressivism, which held that the era of competitive entrepreneurial capitalism was over. FDR’s orientation toward preserving middle-class and working-class opportunity is paramount in his outlook, supporting the case that the New Deal was conservative of the American political tradition in ways that the Progressive Era was not. Radicals criticized the New Deal on this basis in the 1930s, and today’s Democrats have reacquired that older Progressive disdain for the American political tradition. Many now call themselves “Progressives” rather than “liberals.”

While Reagan can be said to have shared this middle-out disposition of FDR’s, two aspects of FDR’s political outlook are particularly difficult to square with Reagan’s. First, there was his language about “economic royalists” and “malefactors of great wealth.” Roosevelt had a penchant for “hunting rich men as if they were obnoxious beasts,” Churchill cautioned in an otherwise laudatory 1934 essay, which expressed enthusiasm for the New Deal and FDR’s leadership capacities. At one point early in World War II, FDR proposed a 100% income tax rate starting at $25,000 (roughly equivalent to $390,000 today). Reagan never supported punitive taxation of this kind, nor shared any of FDR’s indifference to capital investment. (Moley reported that Roosevelt especially hated talk of “business confidence.”) Reagan was always a future-oriented technophile, a believer in the innovation of entrepreneurs.

A related important contrast is between the proposals for an “Economic Bill of Rights” that both men offered as president. Roosevelt’s 1944 roster formed the core of today’s liberal agenda—a right to housing, a job, food, and health care, for starters, all requiring government provision. Such guarantees of course, efface the older liberal distinction between rights, as limitations on government power, and benefits, as privileges within the limits of resources. Reagan stood FDR’s understanding on its head in his 1987 proposal for his own Economic Bill of Rights, which harkened back to the old restraints: a balanced-budget requirement, supermajorities for tax increases, a constitutional spending limit, and an explicit prohibition on wage-and-price controls.

The second sharp, unbridgeable difference between FDR and Reagan is related to the first. FDR regarded the Constitution as an impediment to his desires, as seen by his intemperate attacks on the Supreme Court, culminating in his ill-advised court-packing scheme at the start of his second term. This was another place where Churchill criticized Roosevelt, most notably in a 1936 essay written before the court-packing scheme:

Taking the rigidity out of the American Constitution” means, and is intended to mean, new gigantic accessions of power to the dominating center of government and giving it the means to make new fundamental laws enforceable upon all Americans.
Reagan, a thoroughgoing if early constitutional originalist, understood this point instinctively. For the New Deal’s architects, centralized regulatory power promised many benefits and few risks, though there are fragments suggesting FDR might have had misgivings. FDR remarked in 1938:

We need trained personnel in government. We need disinterested, as well as broad-gauged, public officials. This part of our problem we have not yet solved, but it can be solved and it can be accomplished without the creation of a national bureaucracy which would dominate the national life of our governmental system.
And it is nearly forgotten that FDR drew back from the full implications of his attacks on “economic royalism.” “Let me emphasize,” he also said in 1944, “that serious as have been the errors of unrestrained individualism, I do not believe in abandoning the system of individual enterprise.” On balance, Franklin Roosevelt was probably more dubious about a jihad against the malefactors of great wealth than his Republican cousin Theodore.

It should be recalled that Reagan’s announcement speech for his 1976 campaign (though not, significantly, his 1980 campaign) began with a criticism of the New Deal:

Back in the Depression years there were those who promised to overcome hard times. Franklin Delano Roosevelt embarked on a course that made bold use of government to ease the pain of those times. Although some of his measures seemed to work, he was soon moved to sound a warning.  He said, “[W]e have built new instruments of public power in the hands of the people’s government...but in the hands of political puppets of an economic autocracy, such power would provide shackles for the liberties of our people.”

Unfortunately, that warning went unheeded. Today, there is an economic autocracy, born of government’s growing interference in our lives. Yet Washington, for all its power, seems powerless to solve problems any more.
It would be worth knowing what Reagan had in mind by saying that some of FDR’s measures seemed to work. Reagan’s broader point connects closely with two of his favorite themes: First, that this form of centralized government would divide the nation effectively into ruling elites and “the masses.” One of his most emphatic lines in the “Time for Choosing” speech, and often repeated in his 1970s radio addresses, was “I, for one, resent it when a representative of the people refers to you and me, the free men and women of this country, as ‘the masses.’” Second, it would deform the Constitution. As he put it in a 1979 letter to a friend, “The permanent structure of our government with its power to pass regulations has eroded if not in effect repealed portions of our Constitution.”

This does not necessarily mean Olsen is wrong about Reagan and Roosevelt beyond the social insurance parallel. As Reagan himself observed, “As smart as he was, I suspect even FDR didn’t realize that once you create a bureaucracy, it took on a life of its own,” which shows Reagan’s residual regard even for FDR’s possible blind spots. Working-Class Republican maintains a tight focus on Reagan, but Olsen may not give his subject enough credit for being a more profound, independent, and original political thinker than Roosevelt, for Reagan transcends FDR in many ways. (The comparison would be even stronger if Reagan’s foreign policy philosophy and statecraft were laid next to Roosevelt’s, but that would require a separate book. It’s noteworthy that Reagan liked to quote Harry Truman in foreign policy remarks, but seldom FDR.) If anything, Reagan should be thought of more as in line with Lincoln, which Olsen nods toward in a couple of places, especially Lincoln’s inclination to “put the man before the dollar.”

More broadly, Olsen’s argument raises an important question for us to consider today: was the early conservative movement mistaken to oppose the New Deal categorically, seeking from Taft through Goldwater to roll it back in toto. If so, just where and how should conservatives anchor their philosophy of social insurance? The disjointed, demoralizing efforts to repeal and replace Obamacare show that this debate is not merely about history. Above all, it provides valuable perspective on how Donald Trump, of all people, seems to have recaptured Reagan’s ability to reach working-class voters. Trump is indeed a powerful communicator, but not in the same league as the man called “the Great Communicator.” Maybe Trump will run for reelection in 2020 as the heir of FDR, and only then will the Republican Party come out from under the distorted shadow of Reagan. Stranger things have happened lately.

Steven F. Hayward is a senior resident scholar at the Institute of Governmental Studies at UC Berkeley.
https://www.amazon.com/Steven-F.-Hayward/e/B000APZKLO
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« Reply #223 on: August 26, 2017, 06:53:25 AM »

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/science/2017/08/23/mystery-deaths-hl-hunley-submarine-crew-solved-accidentally/
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« Reply #224 on: October 07, 2017, 03:39:48 PM »

https://conservativebase.com/be-skeptical-of-ken-burns-documentary-the-vietnam-war-by-terry-garlock/
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« Reply #225 on: October 10, 2017, 07:41:47 AM »

http://www.dailywire.com/news/21968/historical-record-shows-christopher-columbus-michael-j-knowles
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« Reply #226 on: October 19, 2017, 12:43:08 PM »

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/retropolis/wp/2017/10/19/missouri-v-celia-a-slave-she-killed-the-white-master-raping-her-then-claimed-self-defense/?undefined=&utm_term=.3b3a9ac55ee4&wpisrc=nl_most&wpmm=1
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« Reply #227 on: October 19, 2017, 03:40:12 PM »

 "In Minneapolis, a petition is circulating to replace a Columbus statue at the state capitol with one of the artist formerly known as Prince"

Yes lets revere an HIV  +  drug addict.

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« Reply #228 on: October 21, 2017, 01:44:08 AM »

http://gothamist.com/2017/10/18/nazis_madison_square_garden.php?utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Daily+Gothamist+Daily+Winter+Storm+Warning+In+Effect+As+NYC+May+See+6-12+Of+Snow+Possibly+More&utm_content=Daily+Gothamist+Daily+Winter+Storm+Warning+In+Effect+As+NYC+May+See+6-12+Of+Snow+Possibly+More+CID_7937ed04ec06f357d6846fbabddf5b7c&utm_source=CM&utm_term=Newly+Released+Footage+Shows+20000+American+Nazis+Rallying+At+Madison+Square+Garden
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« Reply #229 on: November 07, 2017, 12:51:18 AM »

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/18/us/robert-e-lee-slaves.html?mc=adintl&mcid=facebook&mccr=subscribers&subid2=orange&ad-keywords=GlobalTruth&subid1=TAFI
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« Reply #230 on: November 07, 2017, 01:31:20 PM »

http://www.texasstandard.org/stories/how-the-japanese-americans-who-saved-world-war-iis-lost-battalion-became-honorary-texans/
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