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Topic: Nigeria (Read 352 times)
March 06, 2016, 01:01:36 AM »
Recently Nigeria has crossed my radar screen, so I begin this thread. If you run across items of interest, please post them.
Reply #1 on:
March 06, 2016, 08:21:30 AM »
I wasn't going to say anything, but I have recently been contacted by a Nigerian prince with a very promising financial proposal.
Reply #2 on:
March 06, 2016, 09:36:12 AM »
Reply #3 on:
March 15, 2016, 08:35:25 PM »
Reply #4 on:
March 15, 2016, 08:46:48 PM »
Nigeria is debating its budget for 2016 — currently being presented at 6.08 trillion naira ($30.5 billion). It is also pursuing several options to cover its estimated 2.22 trillion naira budget deficit as Abuja contends with low oil prices. Abuja is also believed to be looking to the World Bank and the African Development Bank for loans of around $3.5 billion. Although Nigeria has been quick to say that it is not pursuing an "emergency" loan, Abuja nonetheless will have a difficult financial year in 2016.
Oil prices are unlikely to recover and the Central Bank of Nigeria's foreign reserves have fallen by 28 percent since Oct. 1, 2014, sinking to its current decades-low level of $28 billion. Without a near-term rise in oil prices, many of Nigeria's policies are simply unsustainable. Until prices inch back up, which could happen in 2017, Abuja will be forced to make painful financial adjustments, some of which are already in the works — though at a very slow pace to avoid rattling public confidence.
When President Muhammadu Buhari took office in May 2015, he inherited a government whose sole source of hard currency came from oil. Prior to the collapse in oil prices, oil accounted for 70 percent of the government's revenue and 95 percent of the its export revenue. One of his core objectives was to limit the impact of low oil prices on the public. His support base is largely the northern half of the country — a region that has historically been poorer than southern Nigeria, where the country's oil wealth in the Niger Delta and the strong economic center of Lagos are located.
Nigeria's Geographic Challenge
In doing so, the Buhari administration has continued several of its predecessor's policies. First, Buhari has continued to subsidize the price of fuel in the country (currently $1.67 per gallon). With Nigeria importing gasoline and diesel at international prices and selling it at a loss at home, subsidies historically have cost Abuja an estimated $5 billion. But global oil prices have fallen so far that Nigeria no longer needs a large subsidy to keep its domestic prices low.
Second, Buhari has continued the foreign exchange regime that effectively pegs the naira to the dollar at a rate of 197 to one. Former President Goodluck Jonathan introduced the fixed exchange prior to elections after the naira plunged from 165 to the dollar in September 2014 to 204 in the middle of February 2015. The policy aimed to ensure that the price of imports would not go up. But despite growing depreciating forces on the naira, Buhari has fervently defended the currency and has said devaluation is not likely.
Finally, the president pushed for a strong budget for 2016. Despite falling oil prices, Nigeria's 2016 budget is 21.6 percent larger than it was in 2015, largely because of capital expenditures, its share rising from 11 percent in 2015 to 30 percent in 2016. Most of this budget will go into sectors such as public works, housing, power sector development and other related areas. The stimulus, which likely depends on Buhari achieving external budget support through international loans, would likely bring jobs and tangible benefits to local governments.
All of this is Buhari's attempt to cater to the average Nigerian. Continued job growth, low fuel prices and a strong naira limiting increases in prices on imports will be the basis of success for the economic plan. Moreover, Nigeria's economy is still likely to grow somewhere around 3 percent in 2016, despite low prices for oil, which only represents about one-tenth of Nigeria's overall gross domestic product.
However, maintaining the currency peg at its current levels cannot be sustained in the long run. The unofficial market — or black market — rate for the naira has reached 300 per dollar, forcing the central bank to intervene to keep the currency fixed at its desired levels. Speculation on the peg has been a problem as well. In August, Abuja banned banks from taking foreign currency cash deposits. Banks had been issuing dollars at the parallel rate, depreciating the naira and prompting Abuja to take greater control over foreign currency available domestically, contributing to a steady decline in Nigeria's foreign exchange reserves as it defended the naira's peg.
In addition, the budget deficit was calculated with an oil price of $38 per barrel for the year. Already, we have seen prices at times fall below $30 and several attacks have caused pipeline outages in the Niger Delta region. Of course, Abuja's projected revenue goals are still attainable, but as prices remain below $38, it will only strain Nigeria's finances as it goes to lending markets — whether they are domestic or foreign — to balance the rest of the budget. Finally, Abuja's stimulus package is likely to increase imports of equipment and other materials to help physically build the infrastructure, sending even more foreign currency out of the country to finance those imports.
Nigeria will ultimately need to devalue its currency and possibly reduce fuel subsidies as prices rise, but it will likely do so slowly. Moreover, Nigeria is unlikely to devalue the naira by a substantial amount. Still, the Buhari administration will continue to seek solutions. On Jan. 11 the central bank removed its ban on foreign currency deposits in banks, making it easier to access foreign currency at parallel rates. It will ease the burden on the central bank's foreign exchange reserves while slightly diminishing the relevancy of the official rate, just one difficult decision the government has to make, though there are many more to come.
Nigerian militants are trying, but failing, to resurrect a campaign against oil interests as severe as the one they waged in the late 2000s. On Jan. 15, they attacked two crude oil pipelines in the Warri area of Delta state, shutting down the recently restarted Warri and Kaduna refineries, which produce an estimated at 25,000 barrels per day. The attacks were likely a response to an arrest warrant for alleged corruption against the former senior commander of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) militant group, Government Ekpemupolo — more commonly known by the name Tompolo. The conduct by Tompolo's loyalists is reminiscent of past MEND behavior, which disrupted hundreds of thousands of barrels per day of crude oil output and resulted in frequent kidnappings of oil industry expatriates and Nigerian employees.
And though they were the most significant against the Nigerian oil industry since former President Goodluck Jonathan granted amnesty to Delta militants, the attacks were made in vain. Even if militants expand operations into a wider campaign, the damage to oil production will remain relatively small compared with what it was at the height of MEND operations years ago.
The order issued for the arrest of Tompolo is part of a nationwide anti-corruption crackdown led by the government of President Muhammadu Buhari, who is working to cement his political control over the country. The investigation of Tompolo centers on his alleged role in a $65 million Niger Delta land fraud scheme. While the charges of complicity have not yet been proven, the militant leader certainly benefited from the patronage of the previous administration — a legacy that the new government wants to root out. His is also involved in ongoing corruption related to security for the oil and natural gas industry.
Conversation: The Measured Approach of Nigeria's New President
At the peak of its campaign in the mid-to-late 2000s, MEND was a loose conglomeration composed of what were essentially criminal gangs led in part by Tompolo. They were provided significant patronage from all levels of the Nigerian government to disrupt the region's energy sector to achieve political prominence for their patrons. Other commanders, such as Ateke Tom, Soboma George, Farah Dagogo, and Ebikabowei Victor Ben, also known as Gen. Boyloaf, were provided space and patronage in other states of the Niger Delta region as well. The commanders maintained rivalries and competed against one another, fighting openly when factions strayed across ethno-political lines. Top MEND leader Henry Okah was arrested in South Africa in 2010, following an investigation into a car bombing in Abuja that had targeted the Nigerian president. After Okah's car bombing and subsequent arrest began the slow process of the rebel group's unraveling.
The region entered a period of relative calm after President Goodluck Jonathan's government supported an amnesty program that doled out cash and favors to the region's militant commanders and soldiers. Tompolo received security contracts to provide river escorts for travelers along the creeks of Delta state as well as to protect oil and natural gas infrastructure. He also gained a great deal of wealth and power in the process. The government also gave Tompolo millions of dollars to disband his gang, the Federated Niger Delta Ijaw Communities. With the change from Jonathan, who hailed from the Niger Delta's Bayelsa state and whose political rise was in part due to MEND's campaign, to Buhari, the Niger Delta region's political elite began to fear that their lucrative patronage ties and largesse would henceforth be lost. Buhari has not ended the militant amnesty program, and some of the Niger Delta elite are part of his government, but concerns remain that their former benefits will be rescinded permanently.
The warrant for Tompolo's arrest has not caused widespread fallout in the region — or even among militants. The Niger Delta's militants are not longer assembled into a coordinated body, and rivals in Bayelsa state and Rivers state are not concerned with Tompolo's apparent fall from grace. The reprisal attacks Tompolo loyalists recently launched against oil pipelines are in keeping with their longstanding technique to discourage government operations against them. They also carried the implied threat of future assaults if the investigation on Tompolo continues. The militant leader does indeed command enough men to launch attacks in the Warri area if need be. Beyond this area, however, his influence wanes and he does not have control over militants in other nearby states. MEND will not resume or be able to maintain a broader coordinated militancy campaign.
Moreover, the Nigerian military's Joint Task Force has reportedly deployed to the Niger Delta region to pursue Tompolo loyalists in response to the pipeline attacks. Tompolo himself has even communicated to the Nigerian president that he wants to avoid further confrontation and make a plea deal.
There is always the chance that political elite and militants in the Niger Delta could reignite a militant campaign. But sources among other Niger Delta militants report to Stratfor they are loathe to open a new conflict with the government, and certainly not for Tompolo. Instead, they are watching other militant groups to see how they will respond. In addition, some members of the region's political elite have been incorporated into Buhari's government, with patronage schemes still in place to support the important oil-producing region. Some pipelines may be attacked and damaged to the point that they shut down, but ultimately, the region's oil will continue to flow, and insecurity in the south will be kept at a minimum.
Editor's Note: This is the third installment in a three-part series on militant activity in Nigeria.
In some ways, the future of northern Nigeria's counterinsurgency rests in the hands of Nigerian voters. If President Goodluck Jonathan is elected for another term, the Boko Haram campaign will intensify. If Jonathan loses, the presidency would go to a northerner, who would be better suited to developing the political, social and economic relationships needed to wage an effective counterinsurgency.
Of course, the presidential election is a national contest, not a regional one, and so the consequences stretch far beyond northern Nigeria. Though Boko Haram has captured the attention of international media, it is not the only militant group with which Abuja contends, nor is it the only group that has a vested interest in the election's outcome. If Jonathan is not re-elected and Niger Delta militants lose their political patronage, they will probably attack oil infrastructure in the country's southwest, as they did in the mid-2000s. Nigeria conceivably could see two active insurgencies, depending on how the election plays out.
However, it is still possible to placate Niger Delta militants even if Jonathan loses. If Niger Delta officials are appointed to senior posts in the new administration, they could keep their patronage networks intact.
Upsetting the System
The power-sharing system that governs Nigeria is particularly important to northern Nigerian interests. Northern Nigerians dominated much of the military's officer corps, which in turn dominated most of the military juntas that ruled Nigeria from the 1960s to the 1990s. Military and political elites from northern Nigeria believed they were best suited to govern the naturally fractious country. While no one can easily govern Nigeria — a country of 175 million people divided among more than 500 ethnic groups and clans — northern Nigerians historically have imposed order more successfully than others. Northern Nigerians accepted the transition to civilian rule, yielding the power they acquired by a military junta in exchange for a system in which they were guaranteed to periodically hold power under a new democratic system.
Nigeria's Ethnic Divisions
Click to enlarge
Nigeria's Ethnic Divisions
Jonathan's assumption of the presidency in 2010 upset the carefully crafted power-sharing system negotiated in the late 1990s. The People's Democratic Party had meant for him to fill the vice presidency for two terms (2007-2015), while the North-West region was supposed to occupy the presidency. Because Jonathan took the North-West's turn in office, northerners want the next term for their own. If Jonathan wins the upcoming election, northern Nigeria will not recover presidential control until at least 2019, a prospect that most residents oppose.
Other ongoing political issues only make the 2015 election more complex. Most significantly, the People's Democratic Party is no longer the pre-eminent party. For the first time in Nigeria's democratic experience, there is a viable opposition party capable of winning: the All Progressives Congress, which was created in response to Jonathan's power grabs. The All Progressives Congress has mobilized voters across north-south divisions and could challenge the People's Democratic Party for control of the federal executive and legislative branches, as well as state governors' offices.
Boko Haram operates in an environment familiar with radical Islamist ideology. Northern Nigeria has experienced such ideologies over the past two centuries, and Sharia is enforced in Nigeria's northern states.
The militants have made parts of northeastern Nigeria ungovernable. This is not to say that the group controls northeastern Nigeria; rather, the Nigerian government and its security forces have been unable to prevent attacks on civilian and government targets. Society there is terrorized, not knowing when the next Boko Haram raid or car bomb will occur.
But Boko Haram also operates within a political environment that condones its violence as a means to achieve political goals. Like the relationship between political elites and militants in the Niger Delta region that Jonathan benefited from, Boko Haram is a tool with which aggrieved political elites can challenge the incumbent regime and compel a change in government.
The Jonathan administration gets little cooperation from local officials and residents in the northeast (and in the north more generally). Members of the federal government, northeastern state governments, security forces and the military allegedly sympathize with and support Boko Haram. These claims are bolstered by U.S. statements that Washington is withholding raw intelligence from Nigerian authorities in fear that officials sympathizing with Boko Haram will provide this intelligence to the militant group.
The government's ineffective counterinsurgency strategy, further constrained by poor cooperation from local constituents in northeastern Nigeria, will likely degrade further if Jonathan is elected to another term as president; northern political elites will be even less willing to cooperate with his administration. In fact, they may become more supportive of Boko Haram to exact more concessions from the government.
If that happens, Boko Haram can be expected to extend its operations beyond northeastern Nigeria. (Ironically, the only region largely immune to Boko Haram violence is Jonathan's Niger Delta.) Boko Haram will also attack more frequently, leaving many in the country doubtful that Jonathan can effectively combat the group.
But because the objectives of Boko Haram's backers remain the same — destabilize the government and terrorize the civilian population so that Jonathan will yield to northern interests — the group's attack methods will not necessarily change, nor will it intensify its activities outside the state. Of course, Jonathan would not willingly abdicate power, but if continually pressured to the point that his government weakens, he would at least have to negotiate a substantial compromise with his political opponents.
Why the Election Matters
If Jonathan wins, the subsequent violence would endure for several years, receding only if the president transferred some power to his northern opponents. Since Jonathan would serve as president through 2019, this could mean Nigeria would see four years of insurgency alongside a largely ineffective counterinsurgency.
If a northern politician wins the 2015 election, the counterinsurgency against Boko Haram can be expected to improve. The only presidential rival Jonathan will face, whether from an opposition party or from within the People's Democratic Party, will be a northern candidate, so if he loses a northerner will win by default.
Nigeria's Geopolitical Zones
Click to enlarge
Nigeria's Geopolitical Zones
A new Nigerian government led by a northerner would move quickly to establish confidence among the rest of the political and civil society leadership in northern Nigeria. This confidence will be used to acquire local cooperation and intelligence that will benefit counterinsurgency operations.
It is not yet clear who the presidential candidate from the All Progressives Congress will be. If it is Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, who led Nigeria from 1983 to 1985, the operations against Boko Haram would improve dramatically. Buhari has not formally announced a bid, but he has sought the Nigerian presidency in the past three elections under the political parties that now constitute the All Progressives Congress. He can be expected to take a stronger conventional approach to combating Boko Haram, though it is unclear whether the government can muster the necessary resources.
Boko Haram will not be fully defeated if a northern politician assumes the presidency in 2015. However, the group will be disrupted and degraded to the degree that it would no longer pose a meaningful threat to northern Nigeria. Strains of radical Islam currently present in northern Nigeria that can support Islamist militants would remain, but Boko Haram would have a greatly decreased political, economic and security space in which to operate.
Part 1: Nigeria: From Military Coups to Militias
Part 2: Nigeria: Examining Boko Haram
Part 3: Nigeria: Opting Out of an Insurgency
500 Christians slaughtered in Central Nigeria by Boko Haram
Reply #5 on:
March 18, 2016, 09:08:09 AM »
Boko Haram is the deadliest Islamo Fascist group?
Reply #6 on:
March 18, 2016, 09:09:30 AM »
This looks interesting
Reply #7 on:
March 23, 2016, 12:07:57 PM »
Women captives of Boko Haram who have escaped
Reply #8 on:
April 01, 2016, 09:31:08 AM »
Re: Women captives of Boko Haram who have escaped
Reply #9 on:
April 01, 2016, 12:59:42 PM »
Quote from: Crafty_Dog on April 01, 2016, 09:31:08 AM
It angers me to see the world so powerless to stop this. Yet encouraging to see that Muslims hid and fed them along the way and a Catholic camp giving them a home.
From the article:
"More than six years into their bloody campaign in northern Nigeria and the surrounding Lake Chad region, Boko Haram extremists have killed around 20,000 people. Entire villages have been razed to the ground; men and boys executed or forcibly recruited to join the militants’ ranks; and women and girls taken against their will as wives and household slaves. As part of the group’s brutal effort to establish an Islamic caliphate ruled under a strict interpretation of sharia, its militants have conducted mass rape."
Meanwhile our President golfed, spent $4 million on his last Hawaii trip, ignored ISIS, Boko Haram, visited the Castros, and cut deals already broken with Iran.
Our Secretary of State was trading State favors for Clinton crime family support and making exceptional speeches to Wall Street bankers. I wonder what percentage of this big, women's rights advocate's emails were focused on solving the crisis in Nigeria... 20,000 of them were about wedding plans.
We aren't the world's policeman but there is a time and a place to offer help. Do we have to wait until this is within our borders to fight back?
I wonder if these women survivors of Boko Haram or the Islamic State, raped, starved, beaten, "forced to watch her uncle's head sawed off", think the biggest threat in the world is Climate Change?
Last Edit: April 01, 2016, 01:09:09 PM by DougMacG
Nigeria-- declining oil revenue issues
Reply #10 on:
April 04, 2016, 07:16:56 PM »
POTH: Boko Haram turns captured women/girls into bombers
Reply #11 on:
April 07, 2016, 12:46:31 PM »
INAWAO REFUGEE CAMP, Cameroon — Hold the bomb under your armpit to keep it steady, the women and girls were taught.
Sever your enemy’s head from behind, to minimize struggling.
“If you cut from the back of the neck, they die faster,” said Rahila Amos, a Nigerian grandmother describing the meticulous instruction she received from Boko Haram to become a suicide bomber.
Of all the many horrors of Boko Haram’s rampage across West Africa — the attacks on mosques, churches and schools; the mass killings of civilians; the entire villages left in ashes after militants tear through — one of the most baffling has been its ability to turn captured women and girls into killers.
Boko Haram, one of the world’s deadliest extremist groups, has used at least 105 women and girls in suicide attacks since June 2014, when a woman set off a bomb at an army barracks in Nigeria, according to The Long War Journal, which tracks terrorist activity.
Since then, women and girls, often with bombs hidden in baskets or under their clothes, have killed hundreds of people in attacks on fish and vegetable markets, schools, a river dock and even camps for people who have fled their homes to escape the violence.
“This isn’t something you can defeat or eradicate outright,” said Issa Tchiroma Bakary, the minister of communications in Cameroon, where 22 female suicide bombers were identified since the start of this year. “You don’t know who is who. When you see a young girl moving toward you, you don’t know if she’s hiding a bomb.”
Soldiers cannot open fire on every woman or girl who looks suspicious, he added. “They know where we have the Achilles’ heel,” Mr. Bakary said of Boko Haram.
Boko Haram’s abuse of women first shocked the world two years ago, when it stormed a school in Nigeria and fled with about 300 girls, many of whom were never found. Hundreds of other women and girls have been abducted, imprisoned, raped and sometimes intentionally impregnated, perhaps with the goal of creating a new generation of fighters.
Ms. Amos, 47, said the fighters had come to her village in the morning, firing weapons as they spilled out of cars and rounded up women and children.
Not long after, Ms. Amos, a Christian, said she was forced to enroll in Boko Haram’s classes on its version of Islam, a first step on her way toward being taught the art of suicide bombing.
After months of training, Ms. Amos said she was finally able to escape her captors one day when they had assembled for evening preaching. She stayed behind, gathering two of her young children and a grandchild so they could make a run for the Cameroonian border.
“I don’t want to take a bomb,” she said inside this refugee camp in Cameroon that stretches across a vast landscape dotted by tents and mud huts.
The authorities in Cameroon and Nigeria said that many of the experiences detailed by Ms. Amos matched the accounts of other women and girls who have escaped Boko Haram, or who have been arrested before they could detonate bombs. Ms. Amos’s assertions are also strikingly similar to details recounted by other freed women and girls, including descriptions of the funeral rites performed before female bombers were sent on missions.
The accounts offer insight into how Boko Haram, despite being under military pressure from a multinational campaign to wipe it out, has been able to strike fear across an expansive battlefield that now includes Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon and Niger.
No longer able to control the territory as tightly it once did, Boko Haram is sending out women and young girls as newly minted terrorists who can inflict a devastating toll.
Col. Didier Badjeck, a Cameroon defense spokesman, said that after soldiers had chased Boko Haram out of villages in recent weeks, they found homes that had been used as prisons for the women and girls. He said female hostages had reported being trained during their captivity — both in the Quran and in violence.
“They are training them to maximize the number of victims,” Colonel Badjeck said. “We are sure about it.”
Boko Haram often sends male fighters to set upon mosques. But last month, a woman dressed as a man set off her explosives during morning prayers in a village in northeastern Nigeria. Another woman was waiting outside the mosque, and as people fled the first blast, she detonated her own explosives as well. In all, at least 24 people were killed.
Officials inspected a mosque in Nigeria on March 16 after two female suicide bombers killed at least 24 people. Credit Associated Press
Bombings by women have become so widespread that even humanitarian groups are rethinking how they distribute food, water and other help to them. What if one of the women is hiding a bomb?
Continue reading the main story
Boko Haram Falls Victim to a Food Crisis It Created MARCH 4, 2016
U.S. Plans to Put Advisers on Front Lines of Nigeria’s War on Boko Haram FEB. 25, 2016
Nigerian Women Freed From Boko Haram Face Rejection at Home FEB. 16, 2016
Military Victories Over Boko Haram Mean Little to Nigerians JAN. 15, 2016
Boko Haram Ranked Ahead of ISIS for Deadliest Terror Group NOV. 18, 2015
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In Cameroon, many of the recent bombings have been carried out by girls in their early teens, leaving officials and analysts to wonder whether the girls were aware they were carrying bombs. Yet some of the bombers in recent attacks in Nigeria have been found to wear their hair pulled back from the face — a hairstyle reserved for burial rites, a sign they were ready to die.
But cracks are starting to show in the Boko Haram suicide-training system. In February, a girl sent to bomb a village in the Far North Region of Cameroon dropped her explosives and ran to the authorities instead. Her information led to a major raid on Boko Haram fighters.
In northeastern Nigeria in February, three girls with bombs were sent into a camp for Nigerians fleeing Boko Haram. Two of the girls detonated their bombs, killing nearly 60 people there. But the third girl spotted her parents among the desperate people inside the camp. Overwhelmed, officials said, she threw her explosives in the bush.
Boko Haram, which pledged allegiance to the Islamic State last year, has abducted as many as 2,000 women and children, both girls and boys, since 2012, according a recent report from humanitarian groups. Young boys have been used as bombers, too.
In many ways, female bombers are ideal weapons. At security points run by men, they are often searched less thoroughly, if at all. Tucked under the bunched fabric of dresses or religious gowns, explosives are easy to conceal.
Female suicide bombers have been a trademark of extremists for decades. In the Chechnya conflict, they were nicknamed black widows. In Sri Lanka, they fought with the Tamil Tigers. In her book, “Bombshell: Women and Terrorism,” Mia Bloom estimates that between 1985 and 2008, women committed a quarter of all suicide bombings.
One soldier who has engaged with Boko Haram said he believed that fighters must drug the girls’ food. Others who track the group question whether the bombs are remotely detonated.
According to Ms. Amos, Boko Haram’s use of women as weapons is a carefully thought-out strategy, one some of the women accept. Ms. Amos said that of the 30 or so female captives enrolled in training with her, seven girls were enthusiastic about carrying out suicide missions.
“It was a direct path to heaven,” she said the group was told.
Ms. Amos, now among the 58,000 residents of the Minawao Refugee Camp, described a system of grooming potential bombers that involved food deprivation and promises of eternal life, tactics that cults have used for decades.
She said that when Boko Haram stormed her hometown in 2014, her two brothers were shot dead. Her husband managed to flee with five of their children, but Ms. Amos did not make it out, and neither did two of their other young children and a grandchild. Boko Haram rounded them up with other women and children, putting them in a long ditch to contain them.
They stayed there for days, eating one meal a day of a corn paste made from powder. Finally a fighter arrived and asked a fateful question: Do you want to follow Christ, or do you want to be a Muslim?
The women all agreed to follow Islam, fearing they would be killed otherwise. Their training began.
Ms. Amos described a six-tiered daily education track for the women that she called Primary One, Primary Two and so on. The first two levels were Quranic training. Primary Three was training in suicide bombing and beheading. “How to kill a person and how to bomb a house,” she said.
“They told us if we came upon a group of 10 to 20 people to press this,” she said, speaking of a detonator.
The instruction given in the upper levels of the training — Primary Four, Five and Six — was a closely guarded secret among the fighters. Ms. Amos said she never learned what took place there.
Ms. Amos was lucky. Boko Haram fighters decided not to “marry” her, a euphemism for the rapes the group commits, because she already had a husband and children. She counted 14 women and four girls in her training classes who were not as fortunate.
Throughout her months in captivity, Ms. Amos was fed one meal a day and lost weight, a fact confirmed by her nephew living in the Minawao camp, who stared at her scrawny frame and said, “She used to be a big woman.”
Boko Haram incorporated the lack of food into the training, Ms. Amos said. Several months ago, she said, fighters rounded up the women and took them to an old factory to view a set of plump, well-fed girls who had plenty of food and water. Follow our ways, the fighters said, and you can have enough to eat, like these girls.
The girls, some of them crying, told Ms. Amos they were from Chibok, the Nigerian village where Boko Haram had captured the schoolgirls. American State Department and military officials said they would investigate the statements from Ms. Amos about the girls.
“They were very fat,” Ms. Amos said, compared with herself and the other women who were being held, “and they had lots of water.”
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Reply #12 on:
April 28, 2016, 11:37:46 AM »
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