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Crafty_Dog:
Un "amigo de internet" se ha escrito:

Hi Guys

I've been asked to prepare a risk/threat assessment for a visit to Mexico by a client. Not the capital or any of the major cities, just the tourist spots (Cancun,Xcaret, Tulum, Riviera regions, etc).
I am working on the major details, but just wondered if anyone here had "hard" information/experiences regarding crime levels (both organised gangs and street attacks) as well as no-go areas at these destinations.

Also what is the status regarding personal weapons carry (knife, asp, etc) in Mexico - any ideas.

Any information would be greatly appreciated and a real big help. Thanks in advance.


?Alguien aqui se le puede ayudar?

Crafty_Dog:
!Hijole!  !Otra vez en ingles!  Comentarios?
==========================


Mexico: The New Generation of 'Revolutionary' Militants
July 11, 2005 20 04  GMT



Summary

A faction of the Mexican militant group Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR) has claimed responsibility for the July 7 killing in Acapulco of Jose Ruben Robles Catalan, former secretary of Guerrero state. The faction, which appears to be a younger, more militant EPR offshoot, is out to make a name for itself.

Analysis

The Nation is First (LPEP) faction of Mexico's Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR) took responsibility July 11 for the assassination of Jose Ruben Robles Catalan, a former Guerrero state secretary who was shot nine times outside an Acapulco hotel July 7. The group also said it would continue to target those it believes were responsible for the 1995 deaths of 17 farmers in the Guerrero town of Aguas Blancas. Former Gov. Ruben Figueroa, prosecutor Antonio Alcocer, police chief Gustavo Olea and Figueroa's political ally Hector Vicario Castrejon were specifically named as targets.

Founded in 1964, the EPR remained a low-level threat in Guerrero until the mid-1990s, when the Aguas Blancas massacre and other violence in Guerrero provoked expanded recruitment efforts by a new generation of EPR militants to bring more radical members into the fold. Since the EPR resurfaced, its main tactics have been sporadic drive-by shootings or grenades tossed at police stations, mostly around the Acapulco tourist area. One such incident occurred as recently as June 28, the 10th anniversary of the Aguas Blancas incident. The appearance of the LPEP faction and its new tactics nine days after such a lackluster anniversary attack suggests that not everyone in the EPR is content with the group's current status.

The EPR fissure most likely divides the old-guard leadership, whose members are now in their mid- to late-50s, and a generation of fighters in their 20s who joined during Mexico's political turmoil in the 1990s. The LPEP -- which takes its name from a quote by Vicente Guerrero, Mexico's second president and namesake of the state -- likely is controlled by the younger generation. This faction will seek to first increase the capabilities and notoriety of the EPR within Guerrero and other southern Mexican states such as Oaxaca and Chiapas in hopes of making the group a force across Mexico. The group also likely will try to raise its profile in Mexico state and the federal district surrounding Mexico City.

Should the EPR-LPEP manage to kill other targets, the Mexican army likely will crack down in Guerrero, and possibly Oaxaca and Chiapas. This could generate more political violence in Mexico's poor south and alienate other armed opposition groups throughout the area, such as the Zapatista National Liberation Army in Chiapas. Regional destabilization on that scale could indeed be an EPR objective.

The killing of Robles Catalan, however, does not indicate that the EPR is capable of significantly threatening Mexican security. Although there were reports in December 2004 that the EPR had been agitating Mexico City slum residents to participate in a larger, countrywide campaign of militancy, Stratfor has said, and continues to believe, that the EPR poses no credible threat to the capital. The increasing violence of the LPEP faction should warrant more precaution from foreign tourists, however, just in case the EPR-LPEP begins kidnapping people for political reasons.

If the LPEP is successful in assassinating another one of its targets, it could garner enough publicity to more effectively expand its operations, perhaps even to establish a base in Mexico City. Until then, however, the EPR and its factions will remain a localized threat within Guerrero, mainly to Figueroa and his old partners.
==========

y, desde Diciembre

======

The Real Threat of Violence in Mexico City
December 27, 2004 15 45  GMT



Summary

Mexico City's governor has discredited an intelligence report allegedly written by his public security chief that links a small militant group from Guerrero state to crimes in the capital. Although the Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR) militant group exists, and may be proselytizing politically in Mexico City's slums, the group does not have the urban tactical capabilities to engage in politically motivated violence. Mexico City residents and visitors face far greater threats from ordinary criminals and corrupt cops than from EPR militants.

Analysis

Mexican Federal District Gov. Manuel Lopez Obrador has denied a report in the Mexico City daily Reforma that says cells of the Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR) militant group are operating in Mexico City, saying there is "no evidence" of such activity. Separately, Public Security Secretary Joel Ortega denied that his office had written a 21-page report -- on which the Reforma article allegedly was based -- claiming that the EPR is actively recruiting and raising funds in Mexico City's poor slums, and has staged bank robberies and kidnappings in the capital. Federal District chief prosecutor Bernardo Batiz said "not a single crime" in Mexico City has been attributed to the EPR.

Lopez Obrador, Ortega and Batiz stopped short of claiming the Reforma report is false. Reforma managing editors said the newspaper stands by its Dec. 22 report. It is possible that the alleged report is, in fact, a real official document prepared in secret by the federal district's public security secretariat. However, its assertion that the EPR is involved in violent criminal activities in the state of Mexico and the federal district likely is inaccurate. EPR forces do not directly threaten residents and visitors in Mexico City. The real threat of violent crime comes from ordinary criminals, professional kidnappers and bank robbers that flourish thanks to the incapacity of an inefficient, undermanned, poorly commanded and frequently corrupt police force.

The alleged Public Security Secretariat document reportedly was prepared several days after two undercover police officers were beaten and burned to death in a poor Mexico City neighborhood by an angry mob that mistook the police officers for child kidnappers. The report makes no mention of this particular incident, although some news media had hinted that police officers in the area had the EPR under surveillance in the area at the time.

According to Reforma, the report states that the EPR's presence has been detected in eight Federal District municipalities and seven municipalities in the state of Mexico. The Federal District municipalities reportedly include Iztapalapa, Gustavo Madero, Xochimilco, Alvaro Obregon, Tlalpan, Magdalena Contreras, Cuajimalpa and also Tlahualc, where the two police officials were murdered Nov. 23. The Mexico state municipalities are Nezahualcoyotl, Ecatepec, Naucalpan, Tlalnepantla, Ixtapaluca, Chimalhuacan and Los Reyes.

The report also states that the EPR is raising funds by carrying out ransom kidnappings and bank robberies in the Federal District. However, Batiz emphatically dismissed any connection between the EPR and crimes such as kidnapping and bank robbery in Mexico City. These crimes, he said, involve "common criminals that start hijacking vehicles, assaulting people and then ascend to kidnapping. We have not found any link between these crimes and any armed guerrilla groups.

Lopez Obrador and his leftist Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) are seen as leading contenders to win the presidency of Mexico in the 2006 national elections. President Vicente Fox's National Action Party (PAN) and the opposition Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) have a strong interest in undermining Lopez Obrador's electoral prospects. Between now and the 2006 elections both the PAN and PRI repeatedly will seek to bring Lopez Obrador's political star down by linking him to corruption or portraying him as a weak leader. Confirming the EPR's active presence in the federal district could be pitched as a sign of weakness that renders Lopez Obrador unfit for the presidency. This may explain why Lopez Obrador led the charge to discredit and dismiss the alleged report prepared by his own public security chief.

The EPR is the military wing of the Democratic Popular Revolutionary Party (PDPR), a small regional militant organization based in the southern state of Guerrero. The EPR officially announced its existence in June 1996 in the community of Aguas Blancas in Guerrero, where it declared war against the country's ruling economic and political elites and called for an armed Marxist-Leninist revolution and the creation of a centrally planned socialist state. However, the EPR is not a new revolutionary movement in Mexico.

The EPR was originally founded in 1964 in Guerrero, during the early years of the Cuban Revolution. It initially emerged as an armed response by poor landless peasants against wealthy local landowners and politicians in Guerrero state. However, although the EPR has killed close to two dozen people since mid-1996 and has conducted small-scale attacks in several southern and central states against military and police outposts, public buildings and power stations, it has never threatened Mexican national security.

The EPR mainly is a very low-level threat in Guerrero state, where its armed actions have involved local landowners and political strongmen with ties to the opposition PRI, which ruled the country for seven decades until Fox became president in 2000. Its presence in such activities has been detected in at least eight states since 1996. This means it is possible that EPR activists are proselytizing politically in poor Mexico City slums. The group has been seeking for years to establish a political presence inside the country's capital region.

However, the EPR does not currently have the manpower, weaponry, organization and tactical capability to conduct offensive operations against targets in Mexico City. It is even less likely that EPR cells are engaged in bank robberies and ransom kidnappings in the country's capital. Federal and local law enforcement officials in the Mexico state and the federal district are certain that professional criminals -- not armed political militants -- perpetrate the frequent kidnappings and bank robberies in Mexico City. These officials point out that the EPR is a rural-based insurgency, not an urban militant group. Stratfor agrees.

Crafty Dog:
Otra vez in ingles :oops:  

?Comentarios?

La puerta siempre esta' abierta para articulos en espanol.
---------------------------------------------------------

U.S. shuts consulate in chaotic Mexican border city Sat Jul 30,12:43 AM ET
 


NUEVO LAREDO, Mexico (Reuters) - The United States is closing temporarily its consulate in this lawless Mexican border city after rival drug gangs clashed with bazookas, hand grenades and heavy machine-gun fire.

 
"A violent battle involving unusually advanced weaponry took place between armed criminal factions last night in Nuevo Laredo," U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Tony Garza said on Friday.

He said he was ordering the consulate in Nuevo Laredo closed for all of next week and would only reopen it if the security situation improved.

Garza called on Mexico to swiftly bring the situation under control.

Mexico reacted angrily to Garza's words, saying both countries shared a responsibility to fight drug crime.

"Repeated public statements by the U.S. Embassy in Mexico about the border situation in no way help bilateral efforts to end border crime," the Mexican Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

The latest battle erupted late on Thursday when about 30 masked gunmen opened fire on a suspected drug-cartel safe house in Nuevo Laredo, across the Rio Grande from Laredo, Texas, blasting off its doors and strafing the facade with bullets.

Police and witnesses said six men trapped in the house returned fire in a gun battle that raged for 20 minutes, littering the street with spent cartridges and sending neighbors diving for cover, although no one was killed.

"I grabbed my daughter tight ... and we hid under the bed until the explosions stopped," said one neighbor, who identified himself as Carlos.

Nuevo Laredo is a key trade hub but it is also gripped by warring drug cartels seeking control of lucrative cocaine, marijuana and amphetamine smuggling routes.

Dozens of people, including 18 police officers, have been murdered here this year in a war between well-armed gangs from western Sinaloa state and the local Gulf cartel.

The State Department has this year repeatedly warned American citizens not to travel to Nuevo Laredo, a city of 330,000 people that has long been notorious for drug crime and kidnappings.

Public order lurched to new lows in early June when gunmen shot and killed the city's new police chief just hours after he was sworn into office.

The government then sent troops and federal police to take over Nuevo Laredo, and the city's entire local police force was suspended for investigations into links with the drug barons.

Despite the heavy presence of army troops, more than 20 people have since been shot dead.

Anonymous:
Ausencia de investigaci?n.

El problema de inseguridad en M?xico seg?n varios analistas, radica en la ausencia total de un proceso de investigaci?n , la instancia encargada de realizarla a nivel federal es la Proci?uradur?a General de la Rep?blica (PGR) y a nivel local (por estados) la Procuraduria General de Justicia (PGJ), ambas generalmente se dedican a acciones contestatarias y de disuasi?n (labor indicada para los policas vestidos de azul), en el mejor de los casos y de extorsi?n en el peor. Incluso en los recientes "operativos " en Tamaulipas, donde participa el ejercito, la AFI. las corporaciones mensionadas, la PFP, etc la presencia solo es disuasoria y no hay investigaci?n; ademas se origina el fenomeno de cucaracha y las operaciones ilegales se trasladan a otro sitio.

La prueba de la ausencia de investigaci?n es la reciente liberaci?n del hermano del expresidente Salinas (por falta de pruebas) y la orden de una Magistrada de suspensi?n del proceso de Echeverria. Los analistas opinan que estas personas al tener acceso a abogados pueden aprovechar los "huecos" en la presentaci?n de pruebas de la fiscal?a y pueden salir a pesar de lo fraglante de los delitos. Los ?nicos que recienten el estado de derecho son los ladrones comunes (en 1998 fu? muy sonado el caso de un robo de un pollo rostizado, unas papas y una soda que se castg? con cerca de 5 a?os de prisi?n).

Por ?ltimo mensionaron que "el ataque a solo una organizaci?n criminal crea vacios de poder que van a ser ocupados por otras organizaciones criminales con la consiguiente violencia"

mauricio:
  La violencia en Tamaulipas traspas? la franja entre M?xico y EU, dice DEA

Francisco Sandoval

     La violencia que se vive en el municipio de Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, ha traspasado la franja fronteriza que divide a M?xico y Estados Unidos, revelan informes oficiales de la Agencia Antidrogas de los Estados Unidos (DEA, por sus siglas en ingl?s).
De acuerdo con el ?ltimo informe de la dependencia, la situaci?n que impera en localidades como Ciudad Ju?rez, Chihuahua, y Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas, ha provocado que los c?rteles del narcotr?fico no solo contin?en con el trasiego masivo de droga hac?a Estados Unidos, sino que utilicen ciudades como El Paso, Texas, para almacenar este tipo de sustancias.
Los informes de la DEA, incluso, se?alan que esa zona del pa?s es ?vital? para los capos del narcotr?fico mexicanos, colombianos y dominicanos que operan en territorio nacional, pues su ubicaci?n y cercan?a con Estados Unidos , otorga una ?ventaja natural? para la distribuci?n de droga a lo largo del territorio estadunidense.
En ese sentido, la Agencia Antidrogas precisa que el oeste de Texas sirve como ?entrada? de las distintas organizaciones criminales que pasan las drogas al vecino pa?s, y que tienen como destino final las ciudades m?s importantes de la Uni?n Americana.
Precisan que la frontera entre Texas y M?xico abarca mil 252 kil?metros de largo, lo que representa el 40 por ciento de la franja que divide a ambos pa?ses.
Por esa zona las organizaciones mexicanas utilizan las carreteras este/ oeste y norte/sur que se entrecruzan con la divisi?n de la ciudad de El Paso, Texas, lo que permite a los capos trasladarse de un estado a otro, sin mucho riesgo de ser aprehendidos.
Reconocen adem?s que los c?rteles utilizan construcciones y edificios en la ciudad de El Paso, Texas, para almacenar y esconder la droga, y posteriormente, con la ayuda de sus distribuidores, transportarla v?a terrestre y a?rea a los destinos programados.
A su vez, la DEA reconoce que peque?as empresas de El Paso, Texas, tambi?n son utilizadas para ?lavar? cantidades significativas de dinero, producto del narcotr?fico.
Para realizar las acciones de vigilancia, en los 54 condados de Texas que colindan con nuestro pa?s, la DEA ha destinado a 117 agentes que detecten y combatan el trasiego y proliferaci?n de los capos mexicanos en territorio estadunidense.
De tal suerte, los agentes federales tienen como prioridad trabajar en tareas de investigaci?n en 80 puntos que son considerados como territorios clave para el tr?fico de la droga. Varios de ellos colindantes con las ramificaciones del r?o Bravo.

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